2025年第1期(總第9期)145促進(jìn)人權(quán)和法治、反對(duì)外國(guó)統(tǒng)治的秩序擴(kuò)大了其地理范圍。查戈斯群島爭(zhēng)端是一個(gè)有趣的案例研究,它探討了2019年聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)的投票迫使各國(guó)選邊站隊(duì),探討了這些秩序的轉(zhuǎn)和保護(hù)這些秩序的嘗試。同時(shí),筆者的分析強(qiáng)調(diào)了實(shí)政治阻止了被挑戰(zhàn)秩序的全崩盤(pán)。【原文】ThisaicleusestheChgoArchipelagothatisadministeredbytheUnitedKingdom,usedasamilitarybasebytheUS,andclaimedbyMauritius,asacasestdytoxplrecompnginternaonalordersandmovehetheorizatiintrnaioaorrnsidrinntionaoderssfnctionllyadgeogrphicllylimitestsofrules,Ifocusonthosethresetsordrstatunctialyrelttohnihtheruleof,iwhtthoseodersatprotehuanrihtsndtheuoflawmorcolandejecoinhvextenedteierahicscope.ThegosIlandsdispueisaintriguingcasestuytoprobeshitsofandtemptstoprotectheseorersasavoen019thenitedationalGeneassmblyforcedtatestotakesides.Atthesametime,myanalysishighlightsthatrealpolitikpreveshefulovertunothechallengedorders使命拯救我所有人:大俄羅斯和全球不列顛解決本體不安全(MissionsavesusallGreatRussiaandGlbalritaindealingwthonologicalisecurityAlicjaCuranovi,沙學(xué)政治學(xué)與國(guó)際研究學(xué)院教員PotrSzymask,東研中心高級(jí)員【摘要】在本文,者分析了俄羅斯英國(guó)政體建制在對(duì)著本體不安全,在外交政策中運(yùn)用彌賽亞色彩的敘盡這敘事在官方話語(yǔ)中并不特點(diǎn)鮮明,但人注目,并為國(guó)家身份的動(dòng)態(tài)提供有值解。筆者稱其為“使敘,解了它們(重新)出,它們?cè)谕饨徽呃镒鳛閷?duì)侵蝕兩個(gè)國(guó)家的式敘定性的“生死存亡處境的反應(yīng)。盡管在范屬性上在異,但蘇聯(lián)的解和英脫歐公投都致這個(gè)國(guó)家的地和身份受到質(zhì)疑。兩個(gè)國(guó)家都們?cè)谑澜绲奶厮鼈兌荚谕庵刑崾姑鼜?qiáng)化個(gè)連的自式敘體論的確定【原文】InthspaperwealseasittonwhernthepoitclstlihmsofRussandteUnieKingdominthefaeofoologialnsecy,sarrtivwthessanioertneinthirfeinpolicies.Althuhthsnaraiesdfeaeprminentlyinthofficldiscoue,yareneesotieanddavauabinsigintonaicofnationaldetWecalem‘misrativesaintehi(r)ilainnatureaiefrendumbothreuhdyhtgtBoieritreenhgahchtologicalr.論:抵制核主義和再想政nnlroirnesemingthepoliic
146NickRithie,約克大學(xué)政治學(xué)與國(guó)際關(guān)系系教授【摘要】核裁軍的全球政治在過(guò)去十年里飽受質(zhì)疑,尤其圍繞2017年禁止核武器條約談判(TNPW)。學(xué)界供了不同的解釋,但這些解釋趨向聚焦于“安全環(huán)境”這一以現(xiàn)實(shí)主義方構(gòu)思的術(shù)語(yǔ)為中心。本文借伯特·考科斯的霸權(quán)理論,通過(guò)檢驗(yàn)在一個(gè)廣闊的核霸權(quán)框架之內(nèi)的潛在話語(yǔ)和主張,從而理解TPNW與核裁軍的全球政治。本文認(rèn)為,核裁軍的政治已經(jīng)固化為兩種大相徑庭的核世界觀之間的爭(zhēng)論,或核本體論:霸權(quán)核主義與次要地位反核主義之間變得確定。這些并不僅僅是不同的觀點(diǎn),而是基礎(chǔ)地理全球核政治的不同方式這些方式對(duì)軍行動(dòng)有著重要意義。三個(gè)結(jié)論顯露在此:交叉性對(duì)于在一個(gè)更廣闊的全球政治內(nèi)的抵進(jìn)程理解次要地位反核主義至重;在霸權(quán)主義和次要地核主義之間的主張是動(dòng)機(jī)勝的尋找的梁”徑遍地否認(rèn)這一動(dòng)機(jī)爭(zhēng)行,借此了爭(zhēng)論這解釋了什么經(jīng)常未能得牽引力。本建立在對(duì)核霸權(quán)、話語(yǔ)和抵抗的批判性研究基礎(chǔ)上,發(fā)展了一個(gè)霸權(quán)、次地核主義以及反核主義的原框架?!驹摹縣elobalplitisofnuleisamamenaoeepyconvhe,particlarlyarondtenotiatonothe2TreatyerohibitionfWeao(TPWDiffexlantnsoffrd,buttheeentocenreonthegeopoicsofthe‘secriyenvironment’coneivedinealistterms.ThisrilemakessenseoftheTPWandhgbalpoliticsofuclearisaramentyaminingitsunderlyindiscourseadcontestationthinawiderframeworkofnuclearhegemonyandresistancestoit,drawingonRobrtoxstheoyofhegemoy.Itarguesthattheolcsofnuclardisarmamentshdnditotsainewewbroadlyincomensurabencleworldiews,ornuclearooogies:egemonicnuclearisandsubalteranti-nclearis.Tesernojstdffeentpespectives,butfundamenaldfferentwysoudertndigglobalnuclearoliictathvipotatiplicationfotencleardsarmaenmovemenThreeconcusionemergefromthistatintesetionaityisvitatoundertndingsubalternanti-nuclarimwithnidrcofresiscinglolpoliics;atcontsttonbetehoncnuclerimadsalterti-urimisgoniti;adthat‘brdgbildng’aprochstofidamiddlgrudgerlldnytsnmatherebyclsedondebate,dthathiseplaytheytenitogaitactn.Thearicebuilsonthcrticalschliponnuclahegeonyscourseanresitaeaddeesnoiginalraefhematrladai-nuclais4.身份限美國(guó)中的利益和(ofi:ieavauiUSd)nSandl南加州大濟(jì)和社會(huì)心研經(jīng)理摘的角國(guó)國(guó)值造了美國(guó)援助政策。然而,這些國(guó)家價(jià)值與物質(zhì)利益并不策是否國(guó)美援助,并不家價(jià)而服于國(guó)的安全與經(jīng)濟(jì)利。美國(guó)家值何度上與這些物益沖是有彈假設(shè)利益的以價(jià)值是家身的顯著特。結(jié)果
025年第1期(總第19期)147指出更突出的價(jià)值(民主)是幾乎不受抵消的物質(zhì)利益影響的,當(dāng)更外圍的價(jià)值(進(jìn)取心和人權(quán))在美國(guó)軍事援分配上顯示了不同的影響,依賴于受惠國(guó)的安全和經(jīng)濟(jì)重要性?!驹摹緼ccordngtopolicymars,USnationalvalueshpeUSforeignaidpolicy.However,thesenationalvaluesclashwithmaterialinterestswhenpolicymakersarefacedwiththedecisionofwhethernottograntUSmilaryaidtocountriesthatdootadheretSnatonalaluesbutdosUeuiaconomcintsTwhatxtntareUSnatonalvluesresiliettocasheswiththesematerialinterests?hisppeyotesizesttnaonlvaluesareiletlashswithsextenttohchthevalesaresaientfeaturUSnatidentity.Teiicatthatmepomivaues(emocrcyrealmsimprviotoounervailinginterestswhileoretangentilvaes(entrpriseanhumanihts)exhibitiffernteffectsonUSmilitaryaidalocaiondeendingheuityndeconoimortanceftheecientstate.5.時(shí)尚的外交角色:法國(guó)基聲望的商業(yè)外交政策工具,1960-1970年Fashion’sdiplomaticrole:aninstrumentofrenhpresti-sedcommercialdiplomc,9090inntDubé-Senécal,蒙特大學(xué)歷史系博士【摘要】本文從歷史和外新審視法國(guó)在960年代末制定的時(shí)裝援劃在情況下,本文通外交檔案庫(kù)的多利益攸議交叉引用檔案,評(píng)估了國(guó)公共權(quán)威、國(guó)家紡業(yè)制造商的決策過(guò)程。通過(guò)建立在最基文和商業(yè)維度交匯的時(shí)尚研究的基礎(chǔ)上,本文引入外維度,重評(píng)了尚外交中的。本認(rèn)為與傳統(tǒng)敘事強(qiáng)調(diào)的時(shí)尚支持紡織出口相反,高定和尚反而通過(guò)衛(wèi)國(guó)家牌塑和出口品牌造結(jié)合,成法國(guó)戰(zhàn)后以聲望基的商業(yè)外的固定組成部分?!驹摹縏hisartcle-examinesteaid-to-oturepaneatFaneattheendofthe1960sfrombothhialanddiplmaicpersecives.Insodoiitasssseshedecision-ainprcessfFrenchpubicauthoritiecouturirsadxtlemaauerscro-rfeeinarchveomlt-sakdemetngwidilomaicarchivs.yuildngontecuretliraueinFahinStdiethatstandsatthfeneofclalbusinssperspivs,thisariastoialoipesptietor-eaaeroeoffashiofodiomcItargutontrartottraitinnarrativeonheolofshoninfvorftetilxos,hautecouteadfaoninsteadbecamefitueofFnc’otwsisdcoerciadplomacyhhmofnatiodatlettreexportbrg..從救資主殖史在制義中的應(yīng)用Savngcaptalismfrom:usofolnalhistornewinstitutonalnic)uUace,大學(xué)學(xué)院要本文通過(guò)批判性的聯(lián)殖史在度主義經(jīng)NIE)內(nèi)應(yīng)在內(nèi)度的“殖民地向的
148因?yàn)楸M管它把殖民義合并到了它的“大分流”描述中,但它堅(jiān)持自由主義的資本主義概念,建立在私有產(chǎn)權(quán),競(jìng)爭(zhēng)市場(chǎng)和法治的基礎(chǔ)。有人認(rèn)為NIE通過(guò)承認(rèn)殖民主義進(jìn)入資本主義歷史,卻把殖民主排除在資本主義理論之外,從到了這一效果。NIE通過(guò)把殖民主義一分二為“包容性”和“競(jìng)爭(zhēng)性”制度,過(guò)濾了殖民主義,堅(jiān)持資本主義增長(zhǎng)與包容性制度的必然聯(lián)系。根據(jù)政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的批判理論,本文通過(guò)識(shí)別殖民資本主義的形式展示了NIE框架的有限性,這些形式并不足以在包容和提取之間歸結(jié)為一個(gè)風(fēng)格化的對(duì)立。殖民奴隸制、商業(yè)帝國(guó)主義和定居殖主義形成了包容/提取二元的張,通過(guò)強(qiáng)調(diào)1)帝國(guó)主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)積累包容和提取制度的相互依賴,(2包容性制度粗暴剝奪所的起源,尤是私有產(chǎn)權(quán)本文主張將NIE對(duì)殖批判視為“對(duì)資本主義平衡的自由主義批”總了關(guān)在的資本主義”下的容斥的更泛?jiǎn)枴驹摹縣isatclecntribuestotheriingcolonialismandcapitalismwithnhesameanalyicramethrougacriticlmentwitesesnilistornnto(IE).Thecolonialrn’inNIEhsignificagnsticvalueulthouhiinortsismititacountothegreatdiergenc’,itaintaisaliberalconceptionofcapitalismredicatedonprivatepropery,ompettivakt,ndhruleoflaw.ItsrguedatIEcheveshisftbyadmitingcolonialismintoitshistoryofcapitalismwhileexcludingitfrotsheoryofcapitaimByitrnooilshoghichmewen‘incluve’and‘extaivistitutions,NIEupholdsthecategorcalsociationfcaaistgrowthwithinclusieinsttutins.Dawngoncriticlteoriesofpoliticaleconmy,thearticlshowthelmiofteNEfaeworkbidentiyingformsofclnilcapialismtatdntreslveitostylisedoppositionbeteeninclsinandextraction.Clnialsavrycmmcalimpeialis,andsettercoloniaisrntheinclsi/extactivbinarybyhighiting1theinterdependenceofincusiveadetractvinstuionsinimperianetrkacumuatn,and(2theolntexprpratonatthrigisofinclsieinstitui,abvellprvapropery.PpointoveNIscritiqeofcooalsmaa‘lierlitquofcpiisunevene’,thetiecnclesoadqusinsaboutinlusndexclusiunderauyexistincaptalism7義魯莽國(guó)家然選擇(Ris,reclstesandnaursle)attwenall,諾丁漢大學(xué)政為什么像這大為的侵會(huì)是界政治要的無(wú)論進(jìn)攻性還是防御主者給人答案。本文在他家追求安全的。筆者追溯新實(shí)在演化經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中的,從而間接追溯到選的生論中筆者認(rèn)為策與是相容。難處在于像大國(guó)樣生在這順興起、并且留于里的得似乎們并不尋,而是最大化它們的影響。這一達(dá)爾文式的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)選擇支持?jǐn)U張主的認(rèn)這現(xiàn)象就可予帝義假的法的風(fēng)。同時(shí),新現(xiàn)犯一的謬論適力特性是被即便它們少了團(tuán)體內(nèi)在國(guó)家間競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中大國(guó)因促進(jìn)影響選擇,國(guó)家內(nèi)部競(jìng)爭(zhēng)會(huì)由于民而擇尋安然而其是在權(quán)威主義中前者有時(shí)仍然主著
2025年第1(總第19期)149【原文】WhyisdaredevilaggressionlikeRussia’swaronUkainesuchanimportantfactorinworldpoliticsNeitheroffensinordefensiverealistsgivafullysatisfactoryanswer.Thispapermaintainsthattheproblemliesintheirsharedassumptionthatstatespursuesecurity.Tracingneorealism’srootsinevolutonaryconomics,andhnceindirctlinbioloicalthoriesofnaturalselction,Iarguhatmaypoliiesarecompatewithstatesurva.tiriratoeSttethatstatrnk,remainthraveasiftheysughttomaxiizeheirinfluenc,notheirsecurity.ThisDarwiniancompetiionelectsinfvorofsttewihexpnsionistinsiutionsadilogs.FaigtorecogieconferringaspuriuslegitimnimperialisAtthesametime,estshaveaoottedafallayfalbologisssumhitsenciggoupftessarselctedeenwethediminishfitnesinintragropcompetition.Whreasintsatecompetionselectsingreatpowersfortraitsthatpromoteinfluece-maximization,withthespreadfdemocracynrastatecetitionincrainglyeetforseuity-seekigYettheformerprocesssometimesstilldominatesthelatter,aboveallinauthoritariangreatpowers.【張澤賴禎】【任編輯奕?!俊懂?dāng)代亞洲》(ournalfCntemporaryAsia)JouralCntemporarysia,Vol.54,No.5,21.這件衣比軍隊(duì)更能保護(hù)我”:甸春命的體抗ThisBaProtetsmeterthanheMilitary”BodesandPressnheMyanmaringRevoluion)KhinKhinMra,曼斯特大學(xué)社會(huì)科學(xué)學(xué)政治系研究生Jenyesm,瑞典國(guó)防大學(xué)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)研究副教《代亞》(JournalofCntemporaryAsia)份70年起出版的學(xué)術(shù)期刊。該期出版4次內(nèi)容涵蓋亞洲經(jīng)濟(jì)、治社會(huì)展。前,刊的編為其創(chuàng)PeterLimqeco以及KevinHwo。據(jù)2020年的期刊引證報(bào),《代亞》的響因?yàn)?.61
10【摘要】本文通過(guò)關(guān)注作為抵抗和抗議工具的女性身體,探討革命運(yùn)動(dòng)中的性別動(dòng)態(tài)。在“緬甸之春”革命中,性化的權(quán)力關(guān)系與軍方權(quán)威相互交織,引起了女性的激進(jìn)主義和軍方的回應(yīng)。了保持權(quán)力,緬甸軍方試圖關(guān)注女性的身體、性和生殖潛能來(lái)規(guī)范女性的為,平息抗議活動(dòng)。作為回應(yīng),女性活動(dòng)家們以富有想象力和超越性的方式動(dòng)員起來(lái),反對(duì)國(guó)家的控制和對(duì)女性身體的侵犯,利用她們的身體和性別化的藝術(shù)品來(lái)顛覆父權(quán)制和軍方的規(guī)范。這一分析展示了婦女的身體如何在虛擬和實(shí)體領(lǐng)域既構(gòu)成抗議的物質(zhì)對(duì)象,又成反抗的主體。該分析旨在挑戰(zhàn)性邏輯。這味著在有關(guān)革命和抗議研究中必須認(rèn)真待性別化的身體婦女在緬甸革命運(yùn)動(dòng)中的作用不可或,但卻歷來(lái)被忽視此有必要采具有性別意的分析視角,以充分理解亂的變革潛力和權(quán)力動(dòng)態(tài)?!尽縏sartcleeploresthegendereolutionrmoventthoughaocusonwmen’sbodiesastoolsofresistanceandprotest.InteManmarSprinRvolution,genderedrosofprrtiuewithmlirauhoebwosactivadmilitarysponses.Tmaintainpowtheanmrmityhaveogortomesbvior–nduelthepot–roughateniontowomen’sodisexualty,andreproductivepoteil.nresponse,womenciitaebilisedginsohtateotolndheilationofomenboiesnmaginatieatransgesseways,usingtheirbodiesaswellasgenderedartefactstosubvertpatriarcaandmiliaynorms.Thisanalysisshoshowwen’sbodisositutebththeaeilobjectprotest–inthevirtandphysicalsphersnthujcfitneaiingtchallegeedreoicstmeansthatthgendedbodymustbetakenseriusstudisorvolutionsadprotests.TeintegralyhstorillyoerlookedreowmeinMynmr’srevutionarymovementsnecestateagnder-onsisaalytiallenstofullycomprehndthetranormativpotetilanepowedynamiWtt防為。全的多人,本文強(qiáng)調(diào)nooginnindcreativeactsofrotegulciildiobediencemovoeinhefmofPeopleDefence,Myanmar’sounerenonganisedcountry-ivolionstheleahoheraturessestheirukequalitiesandtrearn
025年第1期(總第19期)151asthefundamentalunitofanalysis.Againstthiswayofproceeding,buildingfromthropologicaldebatestisarticlemakesacaseforunderstandinghowyoungpeopleexperienceandlivewithrevolution.DrawingontheexperiencesofyoungreolutionariesiKarentate,thearticleighlighsthimportanceofunderstandingrevolutnsfrmbelw.3.革命還是秩佛教對(duì)緬甸2021年軍政變回應(yīng)utinoO?diRposeto01iitaryinMyanma)IslinFrydenlun,MF挪威神學(xué)、宗教與社會(huì)學(xué)院宗教研究教授PhyoWai,仰光MahaviharaDhamma-inaya大英語(yǔ)系副教摘要】21年月生事政變結(jié)束了該國(guó)2011年至021軍政府的直接統(tǒng)治之下。最近針對(duì)政初期階教反應(yīng)的研究表明,大規(guī)??棺h活動(dòng)呈現(xiàn)出全球聯(lián)網(wǎng)化、跨教的團(tuán)結(jié)以及對(duì)多主緬甸等新愿景人們認(rèn)為,僧團(tuán)(ang)持,主要支持軍方。過(guò)文本訪談和實(shí)調(diào)等究,本文討了佛教在軍方行動(dòng)供正性以及對(duì)其進(jìn)抗方面能出現(xiàn)的轉(zhuǎn)變。本提出,對(duì)教持變的解不僅需采用工具主義架,還通過(guò)本文所稱的佛教秩序意態(tài)(Buddhistdooyfrder來(lái)讀。與此相對(duì),一場(chǎng)佛教革命運(yùn)動(dòng)出現(xiàn)了,該動(dòng)倡導(dǎo)包括對(duì)制度化佛教在內(nèi)的激進(jìn)會(huì)變后研究據(jù)表明支持命活動(dòng)不限已寺命網(wǎng)絡(luò)顯示出僧團(tuán)在緬甸革命中有著更泛的參與,這一點(diǎn)往往被人們低估?!驹摹縏hemilitarycoupinMyanmaronFebruary1,2021endedaperiodofsemi-ciilanrule2011–2021),rngingthecountryonceagainderirectmilitaryrue.Recentrserchintothereiespoesothounitslyphssindicaethatteasrtestsweecharacterisedyglobalintertcultr,ter-religioussldarityandnwvsionsforapualaddmocraticMyanmar.TheBuddstSgh,itistenclaimed,remaiedsletamainlysupporteotemliary.Trughamult-methodappractotextalanalys,qualtaivinteviwsandfieldrtiariclekanyssshifinhyadhmhacontibtutharctnnsttitisrtupfotoupmeunderdotythnintrtalistaeorutlshasefrtitstieaisdeordeInoppsitohiuddlinrymvmeniientIteradcainciiutoiitlfaheshow-tiiviieselleydtalshdrltintosdctinoadeaenamesiheMmarSrinevoluohasofbenssmed.4.士兵叛逃是緬甸種oerecionReoltiarStrategMyanmr)eliayed,級(jí)AhLnn究
152【摘要】20212月1日,緬甸的軍事政變引發(fā)了針對(duì)軍政府統(tǒng)治的大規(guī)模民眾起義,軍方則以暴力鎮(zhèn)壓回應(yīng)。政變不到一個(gè)月,就有士兵加入了公民不服從運(yùn)動(dòng)(CDM),與許多拒絕為軍工作的公務(wù)員并肩抵抗。很快,針軍方的抵抗被稱為“緬甸之春”革命,號(hào)召對(duì)緬甸的政治結(jié)構(gòu)和安全力量進(jìn)行徹底變革。隨著時(shí)間推移,軍方叛逃逐漸演變?yōu)橐环N“革命戰(zhàn)略”。本文探討了這一發(fā)展過(guò)程,以及在持續(xù)的革命形勢(shì)下,叛逃者如何轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)椤案锩袆?dòng)者”。分析于參與公民不服從運(yùn)動(dòng)的士兵們個(gè)人敘述和集體活。通過(guò)運(yùn)用轉(zhuǎn)化敘事法,本文追了士兵從對(duì)軍方暴力不滿,到形成不服從運(yùn)動(dòng)士兵團(tuán)體再到實(shí)現(xiàn)個(gè)轉(zhuǎn)變的全過(guò)程。本文有關(guān)于民眾義期間軍方逃的研究基礎(chǔ)上進(jìn)一步,叛逃不僅影響革命的果,還塑造了革實(shí)踐,革命形勢(shì)的發(fā)展具有深遠(yuǎn)意。hearycoupinMyanFebuay,202unleshedassivepopularuprisingagainstmilitaryrule,wichwasmewitheavyddmilarviencestanahferthuthironheiobedienmovemen(DMalongwithmanyvilsvantwrfusedtowrktmr.Thresisotiliarywssoomedthingvlution,wicallsorasvetransforationofMyamar’spliticaltucturesnecuiyforce.iiarydefectionsgradaleeoenoeolutionarytrateg.Thartileexploreshowthisdevelopmentevolvedandhowdefectorsweretransformedinto“revolutionaryactors”durintheongongrevouinrsiuto.ThenalysisisbasedonthepersonalnarativesndcolleieactivitiesofthosesoldierswhbeamectiveinheDM.pplingaconvrsionarrativproach,thearticletracheprocessesofdefectionrmndividualdiaffecinwtmlitaryviolencettefrmaionofCDMsdiergrupsadtheponaltansformationofsoldiers.Aditoexisinglteraturemilitarydefectinsdrngpopularuprisinsagainstautharanrges,theartiledemostatesthatdefndsificenoolytutcomefvluistlsoforheshapgovlutnaideaandpricsduevouionryua.緬的獄與革:命議活TPrindtheRevolutiinMynm:ExprngPionPrtsuaevoliruation)omasMrtin丹研究研AM.feson,丹禁止究】監(jiān)獄中扮什么本自軍政變以發(fā)生的監(jiān)獄議,認(rèn)些抗議是正的革命中不或缺且的組成部分充滿暴力的政爭(zhēng)時(shí)類(lèi)抗議的要性文記錄并將置于定,關(guān)于監(jiān)獄革命以及抗議獻(xiàn)闡了它的意義本文示代監(jiān)獄如何成為一條革命戰(zhàn)線囚犯身體行動(dòng)弱性,集體行人行及后果的相互系,及監(jiān)獄內(nèi)事互影響。去的抗深刻這更大模斗爭(zhēng)的介入,有時(shí)是對(duì)非人道監(jiān)禁條引發(fā)日常且直的反抗論監(jiān)獄的、模式、動(dòng)素最見(jiàn)回是暴壓,并且往往帶。
2025年第1期(總第19期)153【原文】Whatroledoprisonprotestsplayinrevolutions?Thisarticleeminestheprisonproteststhathaveoccurredsincethemilitarycoup,situatingthemasintegralandinstructiveelementsofanunfoldingrevolutonarysituationTheanalysisexploresthcharaceransignificanceofsuchproetsatamomentoffiercendvolentpoliialcontesttion.ItcumentsandnexlieteeepsangumenbouheircmporaysinicanceormdbytheacademicliteratureonprisonsandrevolutionandprionandprtetTheaiceshowshowpiooayisareolurharacterisedbythectivatindvulnerabilitoprisors’dies,intrrelationbeeecieadididctncnsuenes,adtheconnetiobeeenevensusideanidtpion.odaysprotestsresonteevocativelyithhosofheathyreoeieeieraenterventioninbigertrugglesdometimaesponsetoheeverydyandmmediateprovocationofinhumaneconditions.Whatevertherangeofforms,patterns,drivers,andtriggersofprinprotessthemostcommonresponefromtheauthoritiesisviolence,oftenwideadlyefects.6緬甸革命中的國(guó)際援助伙伴關(guān)系:團(tuán)結(jié)還是自保與服從?(IntrnationalidPareshipsAmidstMnmar’sRevolution:olidarityrSef-PreservationadCopine)TmasWel,爾本大學(xué)社會(huì)與治科學(xué)學(xué)院研究協(xié)調(diào)員PyaePhyoMan,墨爾本大學(xué)社會(huì)與治學(xué)學(xué)院士【摘要】隨221緬甸政及其引發(fā)的革命對(duì)個(gè)國(guó)家產(chǎn)生深遠(yuǎn)影響,國(guó)際助機(jī)構(gòu)也經(jīng)歷了一場(chǎng)烈的蕩。在新形勢(shì)下調(diào)整項(xiàng)目方向的同時(shí),國(guó)機(jī)構(gòu)臨來(lái)自許多緬甸人道主義和倡導(dǎo)組織的批22年進(jìn)訪,文認(rèn)為,在供援助時(shí),助方式——與特定情境下的惠慣例相關(guān)—伙伴關(guān)意義上具有要作。結(jié)合緬甸究的文獻(xiàn),本文主緬甸組織導(dǎo)人對(duì)惠受到廣為人知的疊價(jià)值觀的影響括seda(善意paha(慈善tt慈愛(ài))。在革命背景,這些價(jià)值著國(guó)際助機(jī)之間。這種對(duì)關(guān)系的理常常超正式領(lǐng)目組和合特征的框架,而帶道德面考量緬,國(guó)際的批并本地織所臨的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)加,也露們與國(guó)伙伴系中的新痕。在國(guó)家革下,跨國(guó)持至要,許多甸組領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人尋國(guó)際互助的關(guān)系而,關(guān)于中惠不同持續(xù)引發(fā)著挫【原】Agwithbradimacinthecontyanr’021cpandsueenlonharouauhavaongstinteaonlaidagiestheyavepvotetrogramminhenecontex,nteonalaghavefacdritismromnMmarumantanncacorgatin.awngonntervisfrom022,thisrticlearuthtthaynhigivenreltiontoconext-spectrcitgmeanatt,cloalea)hrgsraileadersxisrottosnacontextofnrhrevrofaidpartnesy
154project-oranisedandcontractualrelationshipthatcharacterisestheformalrealm.CriticismofinternationalaidisnotnewinMyanmar,yettherevolutionhasincreasedthestakesforlocalorganisationsandexposednewfractuesintheirreationshipswiththeiinternaionalpatners.Transnationalspportiscrucialamidthecountry’srevolutinandmanyManmarorgisationleaderseekrelatonshipsofolidaritniaencies,dieiassumptinsbutciprcityipartnershipsfuelongoingfrustration.7.陌生的伙伴還是值得信賴的志?革命者之間數(shù)團(tuán)結(jié)設(shè)(traeBfellowsrTrtCadeDitSodMyanmar’sRevoltionaris)eganyan,密歇根大政博士生MVnTra理學(xué)院化、民主與創(chuàng)新中心MCA員watut,坦福學(xué)社博士要】當(dāng)緬甸民目其民選政在2021年初被非軍政變推翻時(shí),們感受和憤怒引發(fā)了甸上的一革斷裂。羅興亞斯林(RogMulim)危機(jī)中保持沉默的甸佛教精英為未能為羅興亞受害張義而道歉;這場(chǎng)變?yōu)槁?lián)邦民主的構(gòu)建帶來(lái)了新的生機(jī)和可性年輕的學(xué)生和罷工領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者敢于挑戰(zhàn)精英階層的統(tǒng)治。然而,于這種共同反抗軍事獨(dú)裁的爭(zhēng)否緬甸傳統(tǒng)分裂的族群間構(gòu)建廣的團(tuán)結(jié),外界所知甚少。由緬甸各地的革命群體廣泛利用社交媒體來(lái)動(dòng)員抵抗,研究這些群體的在線互動(dòng)可以為這一問(wèn)題提供關(guān)鍵見(jiàn)解。本文通過(guò)分析政變后一年內(nèi),緬甸最受歡迎的三個(gè)抵抗Facebook群組中,緬族和非緬族社群的對(duì)話,發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個(gè)建立跨族群團(tuán)結(jié)的兩過(guò)程,這一過(guò)程由功性益自的情同動(dòng)研究深對(duì)多元反獨(dú)裁力量間團(tuán)結(jié)構(gòu)建的理解,揭示后變時(shí)期緬甸革命動(dòng)態(tài),并闡明社交媒體在培跨族群共情方面的作用?!驹摹縏heshockandaefetyhMynaushyitnestheirdemoraticallyelctedgovernmentdeposedinanllegalmilitarycopnerly22asldtarvlutionarybrekinBrmespolitics.TheBamarBuddhistpoltcaleitesfrmerlysilenontheRohigyaMuslmcrisis,aologisedfrfailingtamnistrjstcefortheRohingyvictimshecoubehednewlifeandpossbiltieinttefrmatiofafedealemocracy;andoungstuntsadstieadrsretochalenetdmiaeoftheelHoweerlitteisknwnbouwhtherthsstrugliogehergasiliicatmihtblabradbaeddevelmentfoiaya’saditaldiethniomties.SiceareoliorycmmutiacosMyanmtookoialmdaomobilisresisncesuyitesegps’nlineintrconcanpridecrlisighsotisqesti.ByanalngconrsaonvertheyeagthecouonthrethespopuaesistaneFaeoogpsrandnoamacuities,histicleindsto-pressoerethnolayilidivnotinsrumentalistinterestndanichnigsdenislidarityildinaditidictatpfs,revuondyicsiyrdheroleofsoedinoger-ommunlemphy.
025年第1(總第19期)1558.工具主義還是對(duì)社會(huì)正義的承諾?政變后緬甸民族間團(tuán)結(jié)的變化(InstrumentalismorCommitmenttoSocialJustice?ShiftingInter-EthnicSolidaritiesinPost-CoupMyanmar)CecileMedail,丹麥哥本哈根大學(xué)北歐亞洲研究所和政治學(xué)系博士后研究員SawChitTetTun,獨(dú)立研究員【摘】緬甸的沖突根源之一在于緬族主體的制度化主導(dǎo)地,以及其他數(shù)民族被排除緬族所構(gòu)建的國(guó)家認(rèn)同之外。然而,2021年軍事政變凸顯了緬族與其他民族力量聯(lián)合對(duì)抗軍方的必要性。本借鑒格雷伯(Graeber)關(guān)于革命作為破“不平等的想象性認(rèn)結(jié)構(gòu)”的概念以及沃爾頓(Walton)對(duì)緬族特權(quán)與白人特權(quán)相性的思考,探討了族群間的變化他數(shù)展的新型跨團(tuán)形,何戰(zhàn)了不平等的特權(quán)結(jié)構(gòu)?通對(duì)族革領(lǐng)人聲的文本析,對(duì)十少數(shù)民族社群成員的半結(jié)構(gòu)式訪談,本文探討了少數(shù)民族對(duì)緬族精英和普通緬族眾態(tài)度轉(zhuǎn)變的反應(yīng)。研究結(jié)表明緬持的革命促使緬族主體反思自身然,同的緬社體數(shù)表異,從功性的聯(lián)盟到共同追求社會(huì)正的管跨族群團(tuán)結(jié)建設(shè)仍在進(jìn)行中,但在族群解和階放方面已出了積的一步?!驹摹縏heBamarrity’istiutionalisedoedeexcluoothencgoupromthBamr’snoionofnatonaitithbeeacaseoflctinMyanmar.Te021couphas,howvr,underscoehedoro-opetionbetweenBamarandthnicorcesgainsthemilitary.rawignraebe’sconceptualisationofrevolutionsasopportunitiestodisrupt“unequalstructuresofimaginativeidentification”andWalton’sconsidrtonfBurmanprivilegakinWhitenes,thsarticleexaminesshiftsininterethnicdynisHohaeewfomofinter-etnisolidaritydemonrtedbyheBamarmajoritytowardtherenicgroupschllengednqualtructuresoriileesincethcup?TrouhtxualanalysisofstateentsbyBamarevolutioaryladersandsemi-structurediteviwsmembersotenetniccmmniie,teaticleeporsthncreacionstochanginattitudsoBmrelitsadordiaryBaarcitizs.Findngsgstatynar’songongrvoutonryitatonhapomptetheBmarajoitytorefltheiprivlee.YetheqalyofBamasoliaitytowadetncmnoitisvasmongdiBasoiopoitcagr,raromirumentaliatshrdviionfosiai.Thearicecoclesthaalthohinterehnsoditbuildgremanawokinpogrs,soeivstestardsethniandclassmaavemae.9超越聯(lián)?“緬甸之”革命的容、權(quán)無(wú)領(lǐng)少數(shù)族BeyondFedeimInclus,CiizensMinoitWithouTertonMyanmarsprivolutAugKoK緬甸Msa創(chuàng)主;lizbethRhoads德大東南級(jí)講師;Nailarin,獨(dú)立研究;iBoAung學(xué)和與沖究實(shí)習(xí)生;YooThiiKhang,c項(xiàng)人摘要】官少數(shù)包括民族群體,些群體被甸承5“國(guó)家之外他因公民份地、會(huì)偏和深的少族群歧視而受排。然而,
156緬關(guān)于政治、聯(lián)邦和權(quán)力分享的辯論,主要集中在官方承認(rèn)的少數(shù)民族與緬族主體之間的關(guān)系。緬甸之春革命為“重新思考聯(lián)邦制”提供了契機(jī),表明超越歷史上根深蒂固的統(tǒng)一或民族聯(lián)邦二元框架的可能性浮出水面。了解非官方少數(shù)群體如何面臨歧視和被剝奪權(quán)利,以及如何實(shí)現(xiàn)包容,不僅對(duì)構(gòu)想成功的緬甸之春革命后的新政治體系至關(guān)重要,也對(duì)拓展革命進(jìn)程至關(guān)重要。然而,關(guān)于少數(shù)群體和多樣性討論,依然圍繞著政變的民族主義聯(lián)邦制模式,作為革命后權(quán)力享的安排。少數(shù)民族權(quán)利與數(shù)民族占主導(dǎo)地位的地區(qū)的自治權(quán)掛鉤的情況下無(wú)領(lǐng)地的少數(shù)民族如何才能有意義地參與或從革命中獲益?如何確保約占甸10%人口的非官方少數(shù)群體得到承認(rèn)?“重新考聯(lián)邦制”強(qiáng)調(diào)了在緬之春革命中領(lǐng)土、公民和歸屬感之間的關(guān)系。【原文】Myanmar’snofcialminoritieendligiousandehnicgpleMyanmar’of135ofcialyreognised“ntionalraces.”Theyfaceexclusindueotheciienshipstatsaweasieedeandtrencheddiscgrmmunities.t,debatesovepolics,edralism,npowr-gnMyanmarprmarcncrnelatihipetweofcalrognisedethnicminoritiesatajotyBampopulaion.TeSiRevolutionhasopeethedoorto“ehinkederalism,”sugsighatoigbodhistoricallyentrenchedbinariesfntrethnonationalelismaeonthetable.Understandinghowunofficialminoritiesfacediscriminationanddisenfranchisementaswellasinclusion,isimpeativennoonymginnganewoliticalsmfowingasuccessfulSpringRevoluton,butinexpandingterevoluinrprocs.Yet,discusionsratetomnoritiesanddivesithaecentreonhepre-coupmodelfethno-nationaliseeralismasapst-reolutionpower-shrnaraneent.Wthminorityrgtietoincredauonomyfrmnority-dominatedterritoes,hwdmniteswithutterritorymaninfullyprtiiaeiobenefitfromtheevoution?HowcanercniioofMynmar’sunoficalminoriesaetiatd10%ofthepopltion–bensue?Rthnkngfdealism”highightsrelatioshipsbetwenterrtocitien,andbelngigintheSprnRevoluton【編譯:王張瀟】【責(zé)編:張奕】
2025年第期(第19期)157《歐亞研究》(Europe-AsiaStudies)Europe-AsiaStudies,Vol.76,No.9,20241.解讀中歐和東歐新自由主義的本土起源:以立陶宛為例(DecipheringtheLocalOriginsofNeoliberalisminCentralandEasternEurope:TheExampleofLithuania)Jokuasalyga,德克薩斯大學(xué)大河谷分校助理教授【摘要】本研究了立陶宛新由主義的當(dāng)?shù)叵担疾炝似渲R(shí)淵源、早期支持者和促進(jìn)其崛起的構(gòu)性轉(zhuǎn)變。后者歸因于改革創(chuàng)造的開(kāi)放以及將立陶宛改革運(yùn)動(dòng)內(nèi)的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家、移民知識(shí)分子和密歇根州希爾斯代爾學(xué)院聯(lián)系起來(lái)的通信網(wǎng)絡(luò)的發(fā)展。在191年之前,在這個(gè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)中生的信息交換產(chǎn)生了新由主義思想的萌芽。該網(wǎng)絡(luò)還為建立有影響力的智庫(kù)立陶宛自由場(chǎng)研究LFMI貢究策對(duì)貨養(yǎng)革調(diào)查。【原文】ThisaiclsteholligeoeliberaisminLihuaia,eaminigitsintllectualpedigree,earlyproponentsadthestrucuralsitstatfacieditsrse.ThttatriuedtoteopeninscrtpraandthedevelopmentofthecommunicationnetworklnkingcnmistswihinheeformMovementofLhuania,émigréintectulsandHillsaegeihanInratiexcgespoitithntorkgeneratedembryonicnelberalieaseo19.Thenetwralctribtedtotheestablihmentofaninflentialthinktank,theLithuanianFreeMarketInstite(LFMI),whosepolicyinflueceisillustaedbsurveyingmonetaryandpnsionprivatisationreforms.2.酷兒聯(lián)盟?波蘭司法危機(jī)與波蘭法院面前的LGBTQ+權(quán)利(QueerCoalition?TheCrisisofJusticeiPlndandLBTRigtBfrtishCourts)AgneszkaKubal,牛津大學(xué)社會(huì)法律研究中副教授【要】在權(quán)主義倒退的波蘭,法官所面臨的政治壓力是否影響他們對(duì)其他邊緣群體的態(tài)度?本文通過(guò)一個(gè)特定的案例研究決個(gè)題LGBQ+人群的權(quán)利。雖尚發(fā)現(xiàn)確的團(tuán)結(jié)模式,《歐亞研究》(Europe-AsaStude)每年出刊10期的學(xué)術(shù)期刊,由outledg代表拉格大學(xué)中東歐研究部門(mén)Universityoflasgow)版。主關(guān)注前蘇聯(lián)區(qū)國(guó)家的政、經(jīng)濟(jì)、社議題及2世紀(jì)的歷史。
15但作使用了“酷兒聯(lián)盟”這個(gè)術(shù)語(yǔ)。該術(shù)語(yǔ)最初是由亞歷山大·康達(dá)科夫提出,用以解釋專制倒退而注入現(xiàn)有關(guān)系的新復(fù)雜性。通過(guò)對(duì)人權(quán)律師、活動(dòng)家和法官的采訪,本文進(jìn)一步闡述了康達(dá)科夫的分析框架,強(qiáng)調(diào)了酷兒聯(lián)盟的不穩(wěn)定動(dòng)態(tài)和議題特殊性?!驹摹緿idthepoliticalpressuresjudgesfoundthemselesunderinolandunderauthoritrianbckslidininfluencetheirattituestowardsothermarginaliedgroups?Iaddressthisquestionwithreferncetoaparicularcasstudy:therightsoftheLBTQpopulation.Whilenoclearpatternofsolidarityecd,Imakeuseohtmqueecoal’,orgnallydevelopebyAlexanderKondakovtoacountfrthnecmplexitesineedtohingretionshipbyuornaininterviewswithhumanrihtlwyers,civistasIfurthereloo’aalyilfrihgghigthvlatileynamicsanisciyofueraliin地政府撥款中的款計(jì)劃和分肥政(GrantScemesandPok-Barrelolitisnoaoenetundingingraavi,帕卡大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)與商業(yè)學(xué)院經(jīng)濟(jì)研究卓越中心研究員【摘文查了05至08利方府中央財(cái)政上的政治程度。通過(guò)對(duì)各種轉(zhuǎn)移支付以及市長(zhǎng)和國(guó)會(huì)議員(MP)在撥款中所扮演角色的調(diào)查,本文描繪出了撥款計(jì)劃與分肥的關(guān)系。在自由裁量的政府間轉(zhuǎn)支付方面,核心支持者的回報(bào)顯易的而政結(jié)影著盟的配此些成與方導(dǎo)承和享榮譽(yù)主要機(jī)制當(dāng)撥款計(jì)要求市政當(dāng)局交撥款申請(qǐng)時(shí),反對(duì)的地政獲款會(huì)減少?!驹摹縏hearticleinvestiatestheextentofpolitcalfavouritismintheceralfnancilcalgovermetsinHungarybeween015and2018.ninvestigationofvarioustrnfersadtherlooprliment(P)itreattopok-lreylmegfr情的sh圣侖接如重新影響該地區(qū)的國(guó)家公關(guān)系。研示了遏輕病毒傳播的政策何成在建和維持
2025年1期(總第9期)159具。【原文】InMarch2020,the‘contactline’betweentheso-calledDonetskandLuhanskPeople’sRepublicsandtherestofUkrainewassealedoff.Crossingthisdefactoborerwasapreconditionandobstacleforesidentsofthenon-overnment-controlledterritoriestoaccesstheircitizenshipentitlemets.Thisarticleexploresowmovementacrossthe‘contactlnewasrestrictdoiuurersyearofteCOV9pndemcndowtsaffetestat–ctizenrelationsintheegion.Thestdrevehwthepoicocontainandmitgtspreadofthevirusbecameatoolimaintainingauthoriyaogthetatearins.5.俄羅斯地區(qū)的民族義:族同然護(hù)(EthnicinasmRiion:tnaltyadNaturePotecton)SvtlaaTa東芬蘭學(xué)地史究后究員LauraA.enry,鮑登學(xué)院政府與法研究教授aroslavnrski獨(dú)學(xué)者摘眾對(duì)環(huán)境問(wèn)題意識(shí)的增強(qiáng)和多元身份認(rèn)同的化可能導(dǎo)致“民族環(huán)保主義”的出現(xiàn)這些運(yùn)動(dòng)出的環(huán)要求與一個(gè)民族社區(qū)的利益有關(guān)過(guò)究羅地的議動(dòng)們了這一念。研究結(jié)果表明,在以下條件下族同利環(huán)行主義:群張與自然環(huán)的特殊化關(guān)系;環(huán)境問(wèn)題和種族特性與資源的不公平分配有關(guān);而且責(zé)任指向地區(qū)行為者,而不是聯(lián)邦政府?!驹摹縄ncreasedpublicawaenessofnvionmnalesadthestrengthenngofderseidentitesmayleadtotheemergenceof‘ethnicenomam’.Thesemvenmakenvionmealclaimsasociatedwihinerestsofanetniccomunty.WedevelopthiscoceptyeaminingotestsiteRsiaregions.Orfngestathnicenaeviroaismunertefolcdioehniclasclhitothtulnonm;enironmncondhncdntiyriktothuisfeouce;dcedtdsrenaacsaththfrgre.越任人唯城司地福(yoCronLocGvernacendWelfviioampaieinRunonw)aliov,茨拉夫所研究Kinam,柏自由所所摘要1在放棄和重間出擇,擇維持城市會(huì)經(jīng)狀,這普京政重源現(xiàn)并一種;是和方預(yù)算的重財(cái)政,國(guó)為作個(gè)單一研探討了及為什作,在直壓水文公是通人式的。
60【原文Inte2000s,ratherthanchoosingbetweenabandonmentandrestructuring,Russianauthoritiesoptedtomaintainthesocio-economicstatusquoinmonotowns,animportantsourceofsupportforthePutinregime.e,thistatusquoisnotagivenequilibrium;itneedsconstantmaintenancethroughcooperationbetweenstateandbinessactors,especiallyundertheseverefinancalcnstraintsofegionalandlocalbugets.Thiiluyexploreshowandwhylocalahrieandlarecompniscooperenmotownstoproidepublicgoodsattenxusfvericaprssresandozontaincenives.Wsthplgdsaretgnginaework-likeooperationbeweenpblcandeactor.調(diào)比例、重構(gòu)框架重外出斯組的驗(yàn)(e-Ppotiog,e-raing,R-urng:ForeignEnceRusinDisiityOgigAfteheRetretofFrignFundinghlippaMullin,荷語(yǔ)魯汶大學(xué)社會(huì)學(xué)研究中心助理研究員【】羅公民社會(huì)經(jīng)歷了外國(guó)資金和非政府組織的撤退。然而,雖然外國(guó)的式組織離開(kāi)俄斯人然在。索些個(gè)體的路徑顯示了他們?nèi)绾芜m斷變的組織環(huán)境。外經(jīng)驗(yàn)認(rèn)為是形成的;它繼續(xù)為行動(dòng)提供信息,并進(jìn)入新的領(lǐng)域。然而,一些行為體認(rèn)為公開(kāi)宣傳外國(guó)關(guān)系和經(jīng)驗(yàn)會(huì)增加風(fēng)險(xiǎn),并可能否認(rèn)或掩蓋這些經(jīng)驗(yàn)。當(dāng)外國(guó)經(jīng)驗(yàn)與治威脅聯(lián)系在一時(shí),動(dòng)者會(huì)取顯去政治化策略作為回應(yīng)。因此查外國(guó)驗(yàn)如何被糊,為研究誰(shuí)或什么被視為歸屬的政治題提供了一條研途徑?!驹腞ussiancivilsocietyhaexenedaretreatofforignfundinganNGsowver,whefeign,formaorganationsleave,Rusiaidiidualsmain.Explringthepahasoftheseniiulsowshoteynvigaashingogningevirnent.Freignperienisrecognasfaticntinuetoiforacionanmeitonwsheres.Hsatorseioepliciatinforeinnnectonandexereeaegngrisk,andyisaowoobscetheiecWherfoeigexpeeneisasaedwithliicltaacoswihstaegesoppaitcsai.sgingwoiepeceisobscrethrovdeartentoeamningthltcaquestonofworwht,seiedaseongg【編譯任雨張】責(zé)任編輯:張奕