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nonproliferation commitment. The contemporary policy implication is that Taiwan’s high-tech industries arelikely to display stronger opposition to United States–demanded controls over trade in semiconductor goodswith China.

6. 主權(quán)腳本與區(qū)域治理：東盟對(duì)新冠疫情的反應(yīng)（Sovereignty scripts andregional

governance: ASEAN’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic）Kilian Spandler，斯德哥爾摩大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系系副教授

Julia Hartelius，皇家墨爾本理工大學(xué)全球研究學(xué)院客座研究員

Alva Montia，斯德哥爾摩大學(xué)

Fredrik S?derbaum，斯德哥爾摩大學(xué)

【摘要】本文以東南亞國(guó)家聯(lián)盟（東盟）為重點(diǎn)，試圖加深對(duì)主權(quán)在地區(qū)治理中的作用的理解。作者認(rèn)為，通過分析東盟如何應(yīng)對(duì)新冠疫情，可以對(duì)這一問題提供重要見解。關(guān)于東盟的大多數(shù)研究都認(rèn)為主權(quán)是有效區(qū)域治理的障礙，而沒有從概念上對(duì)其進(jìn)行進(jìn)一步的探討。這種單一的理解無法解釋東盟對(duì)這新冠疫情的不同反應(yīng)。為了更全面地闡述主權(quán)與地區(qū)治理之間的關(guān)系，本文參考了有關(guān)主權(quán)的學(xué)術(shù)研究，強(qiáng)調(diào)主權(quán)的展演性和情景性，并建立了一個(gè)區(qū)分四種不同主權(quán)文本的框架。通過專家訪談和文件分析，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)東盟對(duì)新冠疫情的多層面回應(yīng)是成員國(guó)并行制定不同且相互重疊的主權(quán)模式的結(jié)果，這些主權(quán)模式產(chǎn)生了相互競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的治理模式。研究表明，典型的治理問題——機(jī)構(gòu)激增、不一致以及執(zhí)行差距——可以被理解為源于實(shí)踐主權(quán)和國(guó)家地位的不同要求。本文建議在東盟以外的其他政策領(lǐng)域和地區(qū)組織中檢驗(yàn)該框架。

【原文】This article seeks to advance our understanding of the role of sovereignty for regional governance,

with a focus on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). We argue that important insights intothis issue can be gleaned by analyzing how ASEAN has responded to the Covid-19 pandemic. Most existingresearch on ASEAN considers sovereignty an obstacle to effective regional governance without further

interrogating it conceptually. Such a monolithic understanding fails to account for ASEAN’s variegatedresponse to the pandemic. To develop a fuller account of the relation between sovereignty and regional

governance, we engage with scholarship on sovereignty that emphasizes its performative and contextual

character, and develop a framework that distinguishes four different sovereignty scripts. Drawing onexpert

interviews and document analysis, we show that ASEAN’s multifaceted Covid-19 response is a result of

member states’ parallel enactment of diverging and overlapping sovereignty scripts, which engender

competing modes of governance. Our study shows that typical governance problems – institutional

proliferation and incoherence as well as implementation gaps – can be understood as emergingfromdiverging imperatives for practicing sovereignty and statehood. We suggest that our framework can be testedin other policy fields and regional organizations beyond ASEAN.

【編譯：張瀟文】【責(zé)任編輯：嚴(yán)瑾怡】

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《當(dāng)代亞洲》（Journal of Contemporary Asia）Journal of Contemporary Asia，Vol. 54, No. 3, 2024

1. 后改革時(shí)代印度尼西亞的意識(shí)形態(tài)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)與性別政策改革（Ideological Contestationand Gender Policy Reforms in Post-Reformasi Indonesia）Muhammad Ammar Hidayahtulloh，昆士蘭大學(xué)政治和國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)院博士生【摘要】印度尼西亞的意識(shí)形態(tài)重心從所謂的“民主世界主義”向“宗教民族主義”的轉(zhuǎn)移及其對(duì)不同決策領(lǐng)域的影響一直是學(xué)術(shù)界爭(zhēng)論的話題。本文探討了這些意識(shí)形態(tài)的發(fā)展如何影響后改革時(shí)代印尼的性別政策改革。為此，文章以建國(guó)五項(xiàng)原則和性別政治在分析中的作用為中心，建立了一個(gè)研究意識(shí)形態(tài)爭(zhēng)論的框架。通過這一框架，文章對(duì)三次性別政策改革嘗試進(jìn)行了研究：2008 年《色情法》，以及最近關(guān)于消除性暴力（RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual）和家庭韌性（RUU Ketahanan Keluarga）的兩項(xiàng)法案。本文認(rèn)為，對(duì)建國(guó)五項(xiàng)原則的解釋之爭(zhēng)在意識(shí)形態(tài)上影響了性別政策改革，政治行動(dòng)者通過改革爭(zhēng)論其理想的性別秩序和關(guān)系。最后，本文對(duì)改革后印尼的性別、民主和意識(shí)形態(tài)等更廣泛的問題進(jìn)行了反思。

【原文】The shifting ideological centre of gravity from what has been termed “democratic cosmopolitanism”to “religious nationalism” in Indonesia and its impacts on diverse areas of policymaking has been a subject

of scholarly debate. This article investigates how these ideological developments affect gender policyreforms in post-Reformasi Indonesia. To do so, it develops a framework to examine ideological contestationby centring the role of Pancasila and gender politics in its analysis. By employing this framework, the articleexamines three attempts at gender policy reform: the 2008 Pornography Law, and two most recent bills on《當(dāng)代亞洲》（Journal of Contemporary Asia）是一份1970

年起出版的學(xué)術(shù)期刊。該期刊每年出版 4 次，內(nèi)容涵蓋亞洲的經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治和社會(huì)發(fā)展。目前，期刊的主編為其創(chuàng)辦人 Peter Limqueco 以及 Kevin Hewison。據(jù) 2020 年的 期刊引證報(bào)告，《當(dāng)代亞洲》的影響因子為 3.261。

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the elimination of sexual violence (RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual) and family resilience (RUUKetahanan Keluarga). It is argued that the battle over the interpretation of Pancasila has ideologically shapedgender policy reforms through which political actors contest their ideal gender order and relations. Thisarticle concludes by reflecting on broader issues around gender, democracy, and ideology in post-Reformasi

Indonesia.

2. 鄉(xiāng)紳階級(jí)的獎(jiǎng)賞：印度尼西亞鄉(xiāng)村的“鄉(xiāng)村基金”與階級(jí)動(dòng)態(tài)（A Prize for the VillageRuling Class: “Village Funds” and Class Dynamics in Rural Indonesia）Fajar Sidik，印度尼西亞日惹國(guó)立大學(xué)科學(xué)教育學(xué)院教育政策系

Muchtar Habibi，印度尼西亞加札馬達(dá)大學(xué)管理與公共政策系

【摘要】印度尼西亞的“鄉(xiāng)村基金”被認(rèn)為是消除農(nóng)村貧困的突破性政策。然而，本文基于對(duì)爪哇中部一個(gè) “最佳實(shí)踐村 ”的研究，揭示了“鄉(xiāng)村基金”只是促成了鄉(xiāng)村統(tǒng)治階級(jí)的勝利。雖然村級(jí)政治機(jī)構(gòu)采取了善治措施（參與、透明、問責(zé)等），但窮人在很大程度上仍然沒有權(quán)力，也無法從“鄉(xiāng)村基金”中獲得相當(dāng)大的份額?，F(xiàn)有的“精英掌控”文獻(xiàn)往往強(qiáng)調(diào)地方精英的主導(dǎo)地位，與此形成鮮明對(duì)比的是，本文超越了這一局限性觀點(diǎn)。通過研究占據(jù)鄉(xiāng)村政治職位和機(jī)構(gòu)的有權(quán)勢(shì)者的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)，本文說明了鄉(xiāng)村統(tǒng)治階級(jí)的成員主要是富農(nóng)，他們的權(quán)力在于土地所有權(quán)和農(nóng)產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)。因此，在農(nóng)村土地所有權(quán)結(jié)構(gòu)和生產(chǎn)關(guān)系沒有重組的情況下，農(nóng)村地區(qū)的發(fā)展項(xiàng)目仍然是鄉(xiāng)村統(tǒng)治階級(jí)的“獎(jiǎng)賞”?！驹摹縏he Village Fund in Indonesia has been praised as a breakthrough policy in eradicatingrural

poverty. This article, based on a study of a “best practice village” in central Java, however, reveals that theVillage Fund has simply facilitated the triumph of the village ruling class. Though village political

institutions have adopted good governance measures (participation, transparency, accountability, and soon),

the poor remain largely powerless and are unable to gain a significant share of the Village Fund. In contrast

to existing “elite capture” literature which has often highlighted local elite domination, this article movesbeyond this limited view. By looking at the economic bases of the powerful actors occupying villagepolitical positions and institutions, this article shows how members of the village ruling class are primarilycapitalist farmers whose power lies in land ownership and agricultural commodity production. As a result,

development projects in rural areas continue to be the “prize” for the village ruling class when there is nore-organisation in the structure of land ownership and production relations in the countryside.

3. 雙重貧困：韓國(guó)服務(wù)經(jīng)濟(jì)中的階級(jí)、就業(yè)類型、性別和時(shí)間貧困的不穩(wěn)定工作者（Double Poverty: Class, Employment Type, Gender and Time Poor Precarious Workersin the South Korean Service Economy）

Taehwan Kim，牛津大學(xué)比較社會(huì)政策系博士生

Sophia Seung-Yoon Lee，首爾中央大學(xué)社會(huì)福利系社會(huì)政策教授

【摘要】雙重貧困是指缺乏時(shí)間和收入的一種貧困狀態(tài)。本研究以韓國(guó)為例，分析了不穩(wěn)定工人的雙重貧困問題，韓國(guó)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)的特點(diǎn)使得雙重貧困的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)長(zhǎng)期存在。本研究將少于中位數(shù)自由時(shí)間的

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三分之二和少于中位數(shù)收入的三分之二作為貧困線。本文利用韓國(guó)勞動(dòng)力與收入面板研究數(shù)據(jù)，識(shí)別了在韓國(guó)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上既有時(shí)間貧困又有收入貧困的雙重貧困人口。然后研究了職業(yè)等級(jí)、就業(yè)類型、公司規(guī)模、社會(huì)工資、工會(huì)會(huì)員資格和性別對(duì)雙重貧困的影響。研究發(fā)現(xiàn)，雙重貧困對(duì)女工、低技能服務(wù)人員和非正規(guī)工人都有影響。本研究通過分析不穩(wěn)定工作者在時(shí)間和收入方面的雙重貧困，為有關(guān)不穩(wěn)定工作的討論做出了貢獻(xiàn)。時(shí)間貧困限制了工人擺脫收入貧困的能力，因?yàn)樗麄儫o法延長(zhǎng)工作時(shí)間，無法投資于家庭生產(chǎn)或人力資本。因此，工人的時(shí)間匱乏加深了他們的不穩(wěn)定性。【原文】Double poverty refers to the lack of both time and income. This study analyses precarious workers’ double poverty, focusing on the case of South Korea, where the characteristics of its labour market

perpetuate the risk of double poverty. This study set less than two-thirds of the median free time andlessthan two-thirds of the median income as poverty lines. Using Korean Labour & Income Panel Studydata,

this article identifies the double poor, experiencing both time and income poverty in the Korean labour

market. It then examines the effects of occupational class, employment type, company size, social wage,

trade union membership, and gender on double poverty. It is found that double poverty impacts womenworkers, low-skilled service workers, and non-regular workers. This study contributes to the discussionof

precarious work by analysing the double poverty of time and income of precarious workers. Time povertylimits workers’ capacity to escape income poverty as they are unable to work longer and invest in householdproduction or human capital. Consequently, the workers’ lack of time deepens their precarity.

4. 2012-2020 年日本同工同酬訴訟情況（Litigating Equal Pay for Equal WorkinJapan,

2012–2020）

Charles Weathers，大阪市立大學(xué)研究生院經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)研究科當(dāng)代經(jīng)濟(jì)課程教授Shinji Kojima，立命館亞洲太平洋大學(xué)亞洲太平洋研究學(xué)院助理教授

Scott North，大阪大學(xué)研究生院人文科學(xué)研究科社會(huì)學(xué)名譽(yù)教授

【摘要】訴訟和法院一直是旨在糾正日本日益加劇的社會(huì)不平等的勞動(dòng)政策改革的重要仲裁者。本文探討了非正式工人提起的七起訴訟，他們?cè)噲D利用 2012 年《勞動(dòng)合同法》第20 條獲得同工同酬。在安倍晉三 2018 年的勞動(dòng)改革中，所有七起案件都提交到了日本最高法院。法院的解釋重申了雇主對(duì)雇員分類的自由裁量權(quán)是一項(xiàng)合理的原則，盡管這項(xiàng)原則限制了法律糾正工資不平等的權(quán)力。然而，法院也認(rèn)為不提供各種次要福利是不合理的。這些結(jié)果表明了這樣一種模式，即通過訴訟將改革后的勞動(dòng)政策微弱地轉(zhuǎn)化為制度支持，以促進(jìn)不同身份工人之間的報(bào)酬和福利更加平等。這些案件的結(jié)果不僅推動(dòng)了同工同酬，還支持了最近政府與產(chǎn)業(yè)界為提高生產(chǎn)力而開展的運(yùn)動(dòng)，即鼓勵(lì)更多地使用基于工作的待遇，并使日本的就業(yè)制度多樣化。

【原文】Litigation and courts have been important arbiters of labour policy reforms aimed at redressingJapan’s growing social inequality. This article considers seven lawsuits brought by non-regular workers,

who sought to use Article 20 of the 2012 Labour Contracts Act to gain equal pay for equal work. All sevencases reached Japan’s Supreme Court amid Abe Shinzō’s 2018 labour reforms. The Court’s interpretationsreaffirmed employer discretion in categorising employees as a reasonable principle, albeit one whichlimitsthe law’s power to redress wage inequality. However, the Court also found the non-provision of various

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minor benefits to be unreasonable. These outcomes evince a pattern in which litigation marginallytransforms reformed labour policy into institutional support for greater equality of compensationandbenefits between workers of different statuses. More than advancing equal pay for equal work, the outcomesof these cases support recent government-industry campaigns to boost productivity by encouraging increaseduse of job-based treatment and diversifying Japan’s employment system.

5. 戰(zhàn)后日本的極端現(xiàn)代主義和民粹主義：田中角榮的日本列島改造計(jì)劃（HighModernism and Populism in Post-War Japan: Tanaka Kakuei’s Plan for RemodellingtheJapanese Archipelago）

Taro Tsuda，明治大學(xué)政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院高級(jí)助理教授

【摘要】田中角榮首相在 1972 年提出的《日本列島改造計(jì)劃》是一項(xiàng)全面的建議，旨在將發(fā)展方向從日本首都核心區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)向周邊地區(qū)，該計(jì)劃出版后成為暢銷書，并幫助田中角榮登上首相寶座。本文認(rèn)為，該計(jì)劃是創(chuàng)新政治風(fēng)格的一部分，打破了日本政治學(xué)術(shù)界對(duì)技術(shù)主義和民粹主義的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)二分法。田中計(jì)劃及其起源從三個(gè)層面提供了信息：(i) 以田中這一杰出政治人物為代表的個(gè)人傳記；(ii) 國(guó)內(nèi)政治和日本的地區(qū)發(fā)展軌跡；(iii) 國(guó)際環(huán)境，因?yàn)樗钍?20 世紀(jì) 70 年代初全球力量的影響。作為“極端現(xiàn)代主義”的體現(xiàn)，該計(jì)劃具有巨大的潛力和缺陷，在田中任職多年后仍影響著日本的生活結(jié)構(gòu)。

【原文】A sweeping proposal to re-orient development from Japan’s metropolitan core to its peripheries,

Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei’s 1972 “Plan to Remodel the Japanese Archipelago” was publishedasabestselling book and helped propel Tanaka to the premiership. This article argues that the Plan was part of aninnovative style of politics that defies a standard dichotomy of technocracy and populismin scholarshiponJapanese politics. Tanaka’s plan and its genesis are informative on three levels: (i) individual biography,

represented by the remarkable political figure of Tanaka; (ii) domestic politics and Japan’s trajectoryof

regional development; and (iii) the international environment, as it was deeply informed by global forces inthe early 1970s. As an embodiment of “high modernism,” the Plan had major potential and pitfalls andshaped the fabric of Japanese life well after Tanaka’s years in office.

6. 中國(guó)臺(tái)灣地區(qū)的民粹主義：反思新自由主義與民粹主義的聯(lián)結(jié)（PopulisminTaiwan:Rethinking the Neo-liberalism–Populism Nexus）

Szu-Yun Hsu，麥克馬斯特大學(xué)社會(huì)科學(xué)學(xué)院助理教授

【摘要】關(guān)于民粹主義的當(dāng)代學(xué)術(shù)研究，盡管涉及不同的方法和對(duì)民粹主義政治影響的兩極化判斷，但通常都將最近的民粹主義浪潮歸因于新自由主義侵蝕的危險(xiǎn)。然而，這種新自由主義-民粹主義命題在非西方背景下（包括東亞）的應(yīng)用卻又不同的經(jīng)歷。為了重新調(diào)整概念框架，本文采用了受葛蘭西啟發(fā)的學(xué)派（Gramsci- inspired scholarship）下霸權(quán)與民粹主義——尤其是“整體性政權(quán)”概念和非還原主義的階級(jí)政治——的學(xué)術(shù)研究，并以中國(guó)臺(tái)灣地區(qū)為例，闡述了民主化、新自由主義化和各種形式的民粹主義政治之間的糾葛。文章將 2000 年后的多重民運(yùn)浪潮與中國(guó)臺(tái)灣地區(qū)自1980 年代以

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來的霸權(quán)重組相聯(lián)系，指出了“資產(chǎn)階級(jí)霸權(quán)的自由民粹主義”與“新自由主義的大眾民粹主義”之間的分岔發(fā)展過程，體現(xiàn)了新自由主義與民粹政治的各種交叉方式。

【 原 文 】 Contemporary scholarship on populism, albeit involving divergent approaches and polariseddiagnoses of populism’s political impacts, commonly attributes the recent populist surge to the peril of

neo-liberal encroachment. However, such a neo-liberal–populist proposition encounters discrepant

experiences when applied in non-Western contexts, including in East Asia. To recalibrate the conceptual

framework, this article employs Gramsci-inspired scholarship on hegemony and populism– the notionof “the integral state” and non-reductionist class politics in particular – and utilises Taiwan as a casetoexpound upon the entanglement of democratisation, neo-liberalisation, and various forms of populist politics.

Situating the post-2000 surge of multiple popular movements in Taiwan’s hegemonic restructuring sincethe1980s, this article identifies a course of bifurcated development between “l(fā)iberal populismof the bourgeoishegemony” and the “neo-liberal populism of the multitude” that embodies various ways in whichneo-liberalism intersects with populist politics. Highlighting the constant boundary-redrawing of the integral

state and its associated class politics along the hegemonic restructuring processes, Taiwan’s case exemplifiesa critical approach to rethinking the over-determined relations between populism and neo-liberalismfor

other East Asian states and beyond.

7. 割裂的國(guó)家：當(dāng)前土耳其國(guó)內(nèi)危機(jī)的政治和歷史框架（The Parcelled State: APolitical

and Historical Framework for the Current Intra-State Crisis in Turkey）Ahmet Bekmen，伊斯坦布爾大學(xué)政治科學(xué)學(xué)院政治科學(xué)與國(guó)際關(guān)系系助理教授【摘要】本文從歷史的角度來審視土耳其當(dāng)前的國(guó)家危機(jī)。在 20 世紀(jì) 70 年代末霸權(quán)危機(jī)后向新自由主義過渡期間，官僚機(jī)構(gòu)高層和執(zhí)政政客的一個(gè)重要目標(biāo)是確保國(guó)家機(jī)器的安全。然而，為實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)而實(shí)施的政策導(dǎo)致了國(guó)家和政治領(lǐng)域的分裂。因此，在 20 世紀(jì) 90 年代后半期和21 世紀(jì)初，國(guó)家成為了國(guó)家機(jī)器、政治社會(huì)和公民社會(huì)之間建立了直接聯(lián)系的權(quán)力網(wǎng)絡(luò)之間公開交戰(zhàn)的場(chǎng)所。這些分裂——即國(guó)家機(jī)器的分割——引發(fā)了一場(chǎng)國(guó)家內(nèi)部危機(jī)。關(guān)于新自由主義時(shí)代國(guó)家和政治領(lǐng)域的形成，本文指出，土耳其是關(guān)于威權(quán)國(guó)家主義各種形式的辯論中的一個(gè)獨(dú)特案例。【原文】This article puts Turkey’s current state crisis into a historical perspective. During the transitiontoneo-liberalism after the hegemony crisis of the late 1970s, a critical objective for those in the high echelonsof bureaucracy and ruling politicians was to ensure the security of state apparatuses. However, the policiesimplemented to achieve this led to fragmentation in both the state and the political spheres. Thus, duringthesecond half of the 1990s and during the 2000s, the state became a field for open warfare betweenpower

networks that had established direct links between state apparatuses, political society, and civil society.

These fragmentations – that is the parcellation of state apparatuses – triggered an intra-state crisis. Regardingthe formation of the state and the political spheres in the neo-liberal era, this article shows that Turkeyisaunique case in the debate on variegated forms of authoritarian statism.

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【編譯：王詩涵】【責(zé)任編輯：嚴(yán)瑾怡】《中東學(xué)刊》（The Middle East Journal）The Middle East Journal，Vol. 77, No. 3, 2023

1. 美國(guó)承認(rèn)以色列在戈蘭高地和耶路撒冷的領(lǐng)土主張：對(duì)反對(duì)用武力獲取領(lǐng)土的規(guī)范的影響（US Recognition of Israeli Territorial Claims in the Golan Heights and Jerusalem:Implications for the Norm against Acquisition of Territory by Force）Eiran Ehud，海法大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系教授

Pressman Jeremy，康涅狄格大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系系教授

【摘要】本文調(diào)查了美國(guó)承認(rèn)耶路撒冷為以色列首都和以色列吞并戈蘭高地對(duì)反對(duì)通過武力擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土的國(guó)際規(guī)范的影響。作者得出的結(jié)論是，在 2017 年和 2019 年出臺(tái)的舉措并沒有削弱這種規(guī)范。作者的調(diào)查結(jié)果對(duì)阿以沖突本身以及面對(duì)大國(guó)部分退出國(guó)際規(guī)范時(shí)的力量等更廣泛的問題都具有重要意義。

【原文】This article investigates the effects of the United States’ recognition both of Jerusalemas Israel'scapital and of the Israeli annexation of the Golan Heights on the international normagainst territorial

expansion by force. We conclude that these moves – in 2017 and 2019, respectively – did not weakenthe《中東學(xué)刊》（The Middle East Journal）由美國(guó)中東研究所主辦，是致力于研究現(xiàn)代中東的同行評(píng)議學(xué)術(shù)季刊。該刊自 1947 年創(chuàng)刊起，持續(xù)向讀者提供從摩洛哥到巴基斯坦的該地區(qū)的原創(chuàng)性客觀研究和分析以及原始資料。每期《中東學(xué)刊》都收錄由知名學(xué)者、外交政策分析師和地區(qū)專家撰寫的文章，以及中東研究領(lǐng)域最權(quán)威、最全面和最新的書評(píng)。

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norm. Our findings are important for the Arab-Israeli conflict itself as well as for the broader questionof thestrength of international norms in the face of great power's partial withdrawal from them.

2. 東 方 復(fù) 魅 ： 以 色 列 臥 底 特 工 及 其 在 猶 太 - 以 色 列 社 會(huì) 中 的 特 殊 地 位 （TheRe-Enchantment of the Orient: Mista‘a(chǎn)rvim and Their Special Status in Jewish-Israeli

Society）

Mendel，Yonatan 內(nèi)蓋夫本·古里安大學(xué)中東研究系副教授

Karkabi，Nadeem 海法大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系系人類學(xué)助理教授

【摘要】Mista‘a(chǎn)rvim（希伯來語“阿拉伯化”）——偽裝成阿拉伯人的猶太以色列士兵——和Hista‘a(chǎn)rvut

（該行為）在猶太以色列文化中占有特殊的地位。通過分析流行的電視節(jié)目——一部名為Fauda（阿拉伯語意為“混亂”）的驚悚片和記者茲維·耶赫茲克利的紀(jì)錄片——作者認(rèn)為“文化阿拉伯化”有力地反映了猶太復(fù)國(guó)主義對(duì)巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯其他國(guó)家的看法。文化組織有助于構(gòu)建一個(gè)位于中東內(nèi)部的猶太-以色列社會(huì)的悖論，但作為一個(gè)不屬于該地區(qū)的優(yōu)越的局外人保持著距離。從這個(gè)意義上說，模仿行為強(qiáng)調(diào)了猶太人對(duì)阿拉伯人的等級(jí)制度，并鞏固了他們之間所謂的二分法?！驹摹縈istaarvim – Jewish-Israeli soldiers who masquerade as Arabs – and Histaarvut (the act thereof)

hold a special place in Jewish-Israeli culture. By analyzing popular television programs – a thriller titledFauda (Arabic for “chaos”) and documentaries by journalist Zvi Yehezkeli – we argue that “cultural

Histaarvut” is a powerful reflection of Zionist perceptions of Palestinian and Arab Others. Cultural

Histaarvut helps frame the paradox of a Jewish-Israeli society that is located inside the Middle East but

maintains distance as a superior outsider that is not of the region. In this sense, the act of impersonationemphasizes the hierarchy of Jews over Arabs and cements the alleged dichotomies between them.

3. 黎巴嫩宗派政治體制下的政黨實(shí)踐：解釋自由愛國(guó)運(yùn)動(dòng)未實(shí)現(xiàn)的目標(biāo)（PartyPractices in the Context of Lebanon’s Sectarian Political System: ExplainingtheUnachieved Goals of the Free Patriotic Movement）

Helou Joseph P.，黎巴嫩美國(guó)大學(xué)社會(huì)與教育科學(xué)系政治學(xué)和國(guó)際事務(wù)助理教授【摘要】本文探討了為什么黎巴嫩的自由愛國(guó)運(yùn)動(dòng)（FPM）在 1975-90 年內(nèi)戰(zhàn)后從反對(duì)該國(guó)的主導(dǎo)政治實(shí)踐——討價(jià)還價(jià)、權(quán)力分享、狹隘的地方性話語和庇護(hù)關(guān)系——轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)樵?005 年轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)橐粋€(gè)政黨時(shí)采用這些實(shí)踐。雖然 FPM 領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人米歇爾·奧恩和格布蘭·巴西爾對(duì)該黨對(duì)宗派政治制度的支持負(fù)有一些責(zé)任，但本文通過社會(huì)學(xué)家安東尼·吉登斯的結(jié)構(gòu)理論的角度來看待這種轉(zhuǎn)變。這個(gè)框架揭示了社會(huì)實(shí)踐和系統(tǒng)和結(jié)構(gòu)的再生產(chǎn)在 FPM 的宗派轉(zhuǎn)變中的作用。

【原文】This article explores why Lebanon’s Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) shifted fromopposingthedominant political practices in the country after the 1975-90 civil war – bargaining, power-sharing, narrowparochial discourse, and patronclient relations – to adopting them upon its transformation to a political partyin 2005. While FPM leaders Michel Aoun and Gebran Bassil bear some blame for the party’s embrace of thesectarian political system, this article looks at this transformation through the lens of sociologist Anthony

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Giddens’s theory of structuration. This framework reveals the role of social practices and the reproductionof

systems and structures in the FPM’s sectarian transformation. 4. 城市主義、氣候變化和綠化開羅的公共效用（Urbanism, Climate Change, andthePublic Utility of Greening Cairo）

Mason Rober，華盛頓特區(qū)的阿拉伯海灣國(guó)家研究所、沙特阿拉伯吉達(dá)的海灣研究中心常駐研究員【摘要】綠色空間已被證明對(duì)減少有害污染至關(guān)重要，而有害污染推動(dòng)了氣候變化，同時(shí)通過冷卻城市熱島、減少洪水和保護(hù)水質(zhì)來保護(hù)人們免受炎熱和干旱的影響。本文以埃及為例，考察了土地投機(jī)、城市規(guī)劃和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施快速發(fā)展所帶來的挑戰(zhàn)，這些挑戰(zhàn)正在導(dǎo)致綠地的惡化、難以接近和萎縮。有人認(rèn)為，加強(qiáng)數(shù)據(jù)、公園部門和國(guó)有的土地回購(gòu)計(jì)劃都可以解決對(duì)公共公園日益增長(zhǎng)的需求?！驹摹縂reen spaces have been proven to be vital in reducing harmful pollution, which is driving climatechange, while protecting people from heat and drought by cooling urban heat islands, reducing flooding, andprotecting water quality. Using the case of Egypt, this article examines the challenges posed bylandspeculation, city planning, and rapid infrastructure development, which are causing deterioration,

inaccessibility, and the contraction of green spaces. It is argued that enhanced data, parks departments, andastate-run land buyback scheme could all address a rising need for public parks.

【編譯：楊瀚椒】【責(zé)任編輯：嚴(yán)瑾怡】