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145

【摘要】“一帶一路”倡議對(duì)中國(guó)的發(fā)展愿景至關(guān)重要。在“一帶一路”倡議下，中國(guó)政策制定者一

直致力于向發(fā)展中國(guó)家出口鐵路系統(tǒng)，但一些項(xiàng)目的進(jìn)展仍然有限。本文重點(diǎn)介紹與巴基斯坦計(jì)劃中

的鐵路項(xiàng)目相關(guān)的延誤：ML-1 項(xiàng)目。它回答了以下問(wèn)題：盡管中國(guó)對(duì) ML-1 鐵路項(xiàng)目有濃厚的興趣，

但是什么原因?qū)е铝嗽擁?xiàng)目的延誤？本文使用兩步概念框架來(lái)回答這個(gè)問(wèn)題。在第一步中，它強(qiáng)調(diào)了

參與項(xiàng)目級(jí)談判的鐵路官員的作用。這表明，地方官員通過(guò)積極就技術(shù)參數(shù)談判導(dǎo)致了項(xiàng)目的延誤。

中國(guó)企業(yè)在確保其同意的政策手段有限。在第二步中，本文通過(guò)分析政治和軍事精英的作用，將延誤

置于巴基斯坦的政治經(jīng)濟(jì)背景下。本文還探討了政治變革和經(jīng)濟(jì)因素對(duì)項(xiàng)目的影響，發(fā)現(xiàn)與當(dāng)?shù)卣?/p>

精英的發(fā)展愿景不一致的項(xiàng)目將面臨延誤。國(guó)內(nèi)政治變化也導(dǎo)致了拖延。此外，未能獲得“主要否決

者”的支持，加上經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題和融資條件的分歧，限制了中國(guó)開(kāi)展大型項(xiàng)目的能力。

【原文】The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is important to China’s development vision. Under the BRI,

Chinese policymakers have focused on exporting railway systems to developing countries, yet progress on

some projects remains limited. This article focuses on delays associated with a planned railway project in

Pakistan: the ML-1. It answers the following question: What explains delays in the ML-1 railway project

despite strong Chinese interest in it? The article uses a two-step conceptual framework to answer this question.

In the first step, it highlights the role of railway bureaucrats involved in project-level negotiations. It shows

that local bureaucrats contribute to delays by actively negotiating technical parameters. Chinese firms have

limited policy levers to ensure their acquiescence. In the second step, the article places delays in the context

of Pakistan’s political economy by analysing the role of the political and military elite. It also explores the

impact of political change and economic factors on the project. Projects not in sync with the local political

elites’ development vision face delays. Domestic political changes also contribute to delays. Furthermore, a

failure to gain major veto actors’ support, coupled with economic problems and differences over financing

terms, constrains China’s ability to pursue large-scale projects.

【編譯：任雨欣】

【責(zé)任編輯：嚴(yán)瑾怡】

146

《中國(guó)評(píng)論》（The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press）

The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press，Vol.23，No.4，2023

1. 影響 2024 年臺(tái)灣地區(qū)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人選舉結(jié)果的內(nèi)外因素（External and Internal Factors

Shaping the Outcomes of 2024 Elections in Taiwan）

林岡，上海交通大學(xué)國(guó)際與公共事務(wù)學(xué)院特聘教授、臺(tái)灣研究中心創(chuàng)始主任

吳維旭，清華大學(xué)臺(tái)灣研究院助理教授（正文略）

2. 地緣政治、國(guó)內(nèi)政治及臺(tái)灣海峽戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)：華盛頓與新興兩岸動(dòng)態(tài)（Geopolitics,

Domestic Politics, and Risks of War in the Taiwan Strait: Washington and Emerging

Cross-Strait Dynamics）

胡偉星，澳門大學(xué)發(fā)展基金會(huì)特聘教授、澳門大學(xué)社會(huì)科學(xué)學(xué)院院長(zhǎng)

孟維瞻，復(fù)旦大學(xué)社會(huì)科學(xué)高等研究院講師

【摘要】中美關(guān)系和兩岸關(guān)系交緊密相關(guān)。中美戰(zhàn)略競(jìng)爭(zhēng)逐漸成為重塑未來(lái)兩岸動(dòng)態(tài)的動(dòng)力。隨著中

美戰(zhàn)略競(jìng)爭(zhēng)升級(jí)，雙方的互信水平降低，臺(tái)灣海峽的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)正在上升。美國(guó)和中國(guó)在“一個(gè)中國(guó)”

的含義上存在根本分歧。在亞太地區(qū)加劇的中美戰(zhàn)略競(jìng)爭(zhēng)將對(duì)未來(lái)兩岸關(guān)系發(fā)展和中美解決臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題

的方式產(chǎn)生負(fù)面影響。無(wú)論美國(guó)是否打出“臺(tái)灣牌”，其國(guó)內(nèi)政治和大國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)都在將兩岸關(guān)系引向不

確定的方向。臺(tái)灣海峽可能成為世界兩大強(qiáng)國(guó)開(kāi)戰(zhàn)的地方。然而，在國(guó)內(nèi)政治中渲染戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)威脅并打出

“臺(tái)灣牌”對(duì)抗中國(guó)雖然方便但非常危險(xiǎn)。減少在臺(tái)灣海峽渲染戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)威脅符合所有人的利益。

【原文】China-U.S. relations and cross-Strait relations are intertwined. The U.S.-China strategic competition

has increasingly become a driving force reshaping future cross-Strait dynamics. As the U.S.-China strategic

competition escalates, the level of mutual trust is diminishing, and the risk of war across the Taiwan Strait is

rising. Washington and Beijing have fundamental differences over what “one China” means. Intensifying

《中國(guó)評(píng)論》（The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press）

是香港中文大學(xué)出版社（The Chinese University of Hong

Kong Press）自 1991 年出版的《中國(guó)評(píng)論》的續(xù)刊。該期

刊從 2001 年開(kāi)始每年 4 月和 10 月出版 2 期，從 2018 年

開(kāi)始每年出版 4 期；是一本涵蓋有關(guān)大中華地區(qū)及其人民

的各學(xué)科研究（即國(guó)內(nèi)政治和國(guó)際關(guān)系）的學(xué)術(shù)期刊，包

括社會(huì)、商業(yè)和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展、現(xiàn)代史、藝術(shù)和文化研究。

2024 年第 2 期（總第 14 期）

147

China-U.S. strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region will have a negative bearing on future development

of cross-Strait relations and how Washington and Beijing resolve their differences over Taiwan. Whether or

not Washington plays the “Taiwan card,” domestic politics in Washington and great power competition are

directing the cross-strait relationship in an uncertain direction. -e Taiwan Strait could be the place where the

world’s two biggest powers fight a war. Yet, hyping war threat and playing the “Taiwan card” against China

in domestic politics is convenient but very dangerous. It would be in everyone’s interest to dampen the hyping

of war in the Taiwan Strait.

3. 平行視角：中美在臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題上的視角差異和危機(jī)啟示（Parallel Perceptions: Divergent

Perspectives of the United States and China on the Taiwan Issue and Risky Implications）

信強(qiáng)，復(fù)旦大學(xué)臺(tái)灣研究中心創(chuàng)始主任、美國(guó)研究中心副主任

王佳霖，復(fù)旦大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系與公共事務(wù)學(xué)院博士生

【摘要】中美在臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題上日益緊張的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)導(dǎo)致了臺(tái)海局勢(shì)不斷升級(jí)。中美在臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題上戰(zhàn)略觀念日

漸產(chǎn)生的分歧對(duì)塑造與臺(tái)灣相關(guān)的政策制定至關(guān)重要。美國(guó)主要通過(guò)地緣安全、意識(shí)形態(tài)對(duì)立和大國(guó)

競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的視角看待臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題。相反，中國(guó)主要將其視為主權(quán)和領(lǐng)土完整的問(wèn)題，視其為“兩岸同胞一家”

的國(guó)內(nèi)問(wèn)題，是通過(guò)統(tǒng)一實(shí)現(xiàn)國(guó)家復(fù)興的重要里程碑。這些幾乎平行的戰(zhàn)略視角引發(fā)了相反且通常沖

突的政治敘事、政策制定邏輯和與臺(tái)灣有關(guān)的政策行為。因此，因這些平行視角所產(chǎn)生的固有的互相

誤解、錯(cuò)誤解讀和敵意，阻礙了兩國(guó)之間達(dá)成共識(shí)以應(yīng)對(duì)動(dòng)蕩和處理頗具爭(zhēng)議的臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題的可能性。

【原文】The intensifying rivalry between the United States and China on the Taiwan issue has led to escalating

tensions in the Taiwan Strait. The growing divergence in their strategic perceptions of this issue has been

indispensable in shaping Taiwan-related policymaking. The United States predominantly views the Taiwan

issue through the lenses of geopolitical security, ideological dichotomy, and great power competition. In

contrast, China primarily considers it as a matter of sovereignty and territorial integrity, a domestic issue for

“a family shared by cross-Strait Chinese,” and a crucial milestone in achieving national rejuvenation through

reunification. These divergent strategic perceptions, running almost in parallel, have given rise to contrasting

and usually conflicting political narratives, policy-making logic, and policy behaviors pertaining to Taiwan.

Consequently, the inherent reciprocal misunderstandings, misinterpretations, and animosity stemming from

these parallel perceptions have hindered the possibility of reaching a consensus to navigate the turbulence and

manage the controversial Taiwan issue between the two countries.

4. 俄烏戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)與對(duì)全球權(quán)力變動(dòng)的認(rèn)知：影響美國(guó)對(duì)臺(tái)政策變遷的因素（The RussoUkraine War and the Perceived Global Power Shift: Factors Influencing U.S. Taiwan

Policy Change）

周文星，南京大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)院助理研究員

陳靜，澳門科技大學(xué)社會(huì)和文化研究所國(guó)際關(guān)系專業(yè)博士生

【摘要】本文基于新古典現(xiàn)實(shí)主義的理論視角，探討了自 2022 年 2 月底俄烏沖突升級(jí)以來(lái)美國(guó)的對(duì)

臺(tái)政策變化。烏克蘭戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)對(duì)美國(guó)各界造成了重大沖擊，由于美方認(rèn)為中國(guó)有可能在臺(tái)海訴諸武力，從

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而加劇了美國(guó)對(duì)中國(guó)迫在眉睫的威脅認(rèn)知，這為美國(guó)修訂其對(duì)臺(tái)政策提供了新的動(dòng)力。然而，本文基

于新古典現(xiàn)實(shí)主義所構(gòu)建的三層次理論框架認(rèn)為，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)只是加速了特朗普總統(tǒng)任內(nèi)就已開(kāi)始的美國(guó)對(duì)

臺(tái)政策調(diào)整的步伐。特朗普總統(tǒng)對(duì)美國(guó)對(duì)華政策進(jìn)行了徹底轉(zhuǎn)變，這種轉(zhuǎn)變主要是源于美國(guó)對(duì)中美權(quán)

力分配的認(rèn)知變化，以及對(duì)中國(guó)國(guó)家治理體系及其對(duì)外政策日益增加的擔(dān)憂。隨著對(duì)權(quán)力分配的認(rèn)知

變化以及對(duì)持續(xù)升級(jí)的威脅的憂慮的持續(xù)，美國(guó)將更加堅(jiān)決地打“臺(tái)灣牌”，并在不久的將來(lái)強(qiáng)化其

對(duì)臺(tái)政策的“烏克蘭化”趨勢(shì)。烏克蘭戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)將繼續(xù)影響美國(guó)對(duì)臺(tái)政策的演變軌跡。但鑒于美國(guó)對(duì)臺(tái)政

策面臨的體系壓力，俄烏戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的影響仍將是有限的。

【原文】This article examines U.S. Taiwan policy change since the escalation of the Russo-Ukraine conflict

in late February 2022 from a neoclassical realist perspective. -The Ukraine war has made a significant impact

on the United States, exacerbating Americans’ perceptions of an imminent China threat due to its potential use

of force in the Taiwan Strait and providing fresh impetus for Washington to revise its Taiwan policy. -This

article argues, however, that within a three-level theoretical framework guided by neoclassical realism, the

war has just accelerated the pace of U.S. Taiwan policy change initiated during the Trump presidency.

President Trump brought a drastic transformation in U.S. China policy, mainly due to America’s perceived

shift in the power distribution between the U.S. and China, along with mounting concerns about China’s

national governance system and its approach to foreign policy. As the perceived shift in power distribution

and escalating threat concerns persist, Washington is expected to play the “Taiwan card” more assertively and

reinforce the trend of “Ukrainization” in its Taiwan policy in the near future. Th-e Ukraine war would continue

to influence the evolution of Washington’s policy trajectories on Taiwan. However, the repercussions of the

war would still be limited in the light of the systemic pressures facing U.S. Taiwan policy.

5. 金錢并非萬(wàn)能：中國(guó)臺(tái)灣“立委”的政治獻(xiàn)金與提案聯(lián)署合作（Money Is Not Everything:

Political Contributions and Legislative Cosponsorship in Chinese Taiwan）

陳超，上海交通大學(xué)國(guó)際與公共事務(wù)學(xué)院副教授

唐樺，廈門大學(xué)臺(tái)灣研究院副教授

王蕊，廈門大學(xué)臺(tái)灣研究院碩士研究生

【摘要】在黨派之外，如何在充滿激烈黨派競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的立法機(jī)構(gòu)中推動(dòng)共同提出提案？為回答這個(gè)問(wèn)題，

本文利用臺(tái)灣當(dāng)局“監(jiān)察院”和“立法院”發(fā)布的公開(kāi)資料，建立了第九屆“立法院”成員的兩個(gè)網(wǎng)

絡(luò)：貢獻(xiàn)相似性網(wǎng)絡(luò)（CSN）和聯(lián)合提案網(wǎng)絡(luò)（JPN）。CSN 通過(guò)政治捐贈(zèng)將 2,649 家公司和 168 個(gè)

公司團(tuán)體與立法者連接起來(lái)，而 JPN 則通過(guò)聯(lián)合贊助將立法者彼此連接起來(lái)。結(jié)果表明，政治捐贈(zèng)相

似性是影響立法者共同簽署行為的重要因素，但其影響因立法主題而異。具體而言，收到相似公司捐

贈(zèng)的立法者更有可能共同支持沒(méi)有爭(zhēng)議且不受公眾反對(duì)的提案（“不確定的投票提案”），如金融和

工業(yè)發(fā)展提案。相反，政治捐贈(zèng)相似性對(duì)“投票風(fēng)險(xiǎn)提案”（如勞工和人力資源政策以及環(huán)境和資源

政策）的共同贊助沒(méi)有顯著影響，因?yàn)檫@些提案容易引起社會(huì)爭(zhēng)議和反彈。這些發(fā)現(xiàn)揭示了臺(tái)灣立法

機(jī)構(gòu)中“裙帶資本主義”的具體特征。它們也暗示，在審視臺(tái)灣的選舉制度時(shí)，金錢政治和黨派政治

同樣重要，并且前者的邏輯并不完全與后者一致。

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【原文】Beyond partisanship, what can foster cosponsorship of proposals in a legislature filled with intense

partisan competition? To answer this question, using public materials released by Taiwan’s Supervision Yuan

and Legislative Yuan, this article established two networks of members of the 9th Legislative Yuan: the

Contribution Similarity Network (CSN) and the Joint Proposal Network (JPN). The CSN connects 2,649

companies and 168 corporation groups with legislators through political donations, while the JPN connects

legislators to each other in terms of their cosponsorships. The results indicate that political contribution

similarity is an important factor in the co-signing behavior of legislators, but the influence varies by legislative

topic. Specifically, legislators who receive similar corporate donations are more likely to cosponsor proposals

that are not controversial and opposed by the public (“uncertain vote proposals”), such as financial and

industrial development proposals. In contrast, political contribution similarity has no significant effect on the

cosponsorship of “vote-risk proposals,” such as labor and human resources policies and environment and

resources policies, because these proposals are prone to social controversy and backlash. These findings reveal

the specific characteristics of “crony capitalism” in Taiwan’s legislature. They also imply that, when

examining the electoral system in Taiwan, money politics is as important as party politics, and the logic of the

former does not completely coincide with that of the latter.

6. 臺(tái)灣第四核電廠的政治操控（Political Maneuvers on the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant

in Taiwan）

田弘，清華大學(xué)公共管理學(xué)院博士后

林岡，上海交通大學(xué)國(guó)際與公共事務(wù)學(xué)院特聘教授、臺(tái)灣研究中心創(chuàng)始主任

【摘要】本文以雙重視角分析臺(tái)灣第四核電廠（FNPP）政策網(wǎng)絡(luò)，重點(diǎn)關(guān)注制度和觀念對(duì)政策過(guò)程的

影響。它將執(zhí)政黨劃分為政策社群，主要反對(duì)黨劃分為政府間網(wǎng)絡(luò)，并將問(wèn)題網(wǎng)絡(luò)確定為第三方。在

歷史上，威權(quán)體制下的政策社群（國(guó)民黨）主導(dǎo)了政策過(guò)程的三個(gè)階段（議程設(shè)置、政策制定和決策

制定），推動(dòng)了 FNPP 政策的實(shí)施。然而，民主化引入了更多的政策參與者，國(guó)民黨利用 FNPP 解決

能源問(wèn)題，而民進(jìn)黨則反對(duì)核能以獲取更多選票，兩者在政策社群和政府間網(wǎng)絡(luò)角色之間交替。問(wèn)題

網(wǎng)絡(luò)則包括公民和社會(huì)組織，其通過(guò)社會(huì)運(yùn)動(dòng)和參與政策過(guò)程來(lái)影響政府決策。

【原文】This article narrates a dual perspective analysis of Taiwan’s Fourth Nuclear Power Plant (FNPP)

policy network, focusing on institutions and ideas’ impact on the policy process. It categorizes the ruling party

as policy community, the main opposition parties as the intergovernmental network, and identifies the issue

network as the third player. Historically, the policy community (KMT) in the authoritarian Taiwan dominated

the three stages of the policy process (agenda-setting, policy formulation, and decision-making), driving FNPP

policy implementation. However, democratization introduced more policy actors, with the KMT utilizing the

FNPP to address energy issues and the DPP opposing nuclear power to gain more votes, alternating between

policy community and intergovernmental network roles. The issue network comprises citizens and social

organizations, in influencing governmental decisions through social movements and participation in policy

process.

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7. 中美緊張關(guān)系對(duì)人員流動(dòng)的影響（The Impact of U.S.-China Tensions on People

Mobility）

王爭(zhēng)，德蒙福特大學(xué)會(huì)計(jì)、金融和經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)副教授

唐莉，復(fù)旦大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系與公共事務(wù)學(xué)院公共行政系教授

曹聰，寧波諾丁漢大學(xué)商學(xué)院全職教授

周琢，上海社會(huì)科學(xué)院世界經(jīng)濟(jì)研究所副研究員

【摘要】利用月度航空客流的新數(shù)據(jù)，本文評(píng)估了中美緊張關(guān)系對(duì)從中國(guó)到美國(guó)的人員流入的影響。

本文發(fā)現(xiàn)，在 2017 年至 2019 年期間，與其他客源國(guó)相比，從中國(guó)到美國(guó)的航空客流下降了 6%。在

按地理位置區(qū)分的情況下，相對(duì)于其他美國(guó)機(jī)場(chǎng)，位于擁有大量中國(guó)學(xué)生的大學(xué)附近的美國(guó)機(jī)場(chǎng)從中

國(guó)起飛的乘客出現(xiàn)了超 10%的年度降幅。進(jìn)一步的調(diào)查揭示，客流量的下降主要由于八月份入境旅客

減少，而這一下降始終比同期那些靠近旅游目的地的機(jī)場(chǎng)經(jīng)歷的下降更顯著。這些發(fā)現(xiàn)為敵對(duì)政治氛

圍可能對(duì)兩個(gè)主要科學(xué)大國(guó)之間的國(guó)際人員流動(dòng)產(chǎn)生不利影響提供了更新的證據(jù)。

【原文】Using novel monthly air passenger traffic data, we assess the impact of U.S.-China tensions on people

inflows from China to the U.S. We find that there was a 6 percent decline in air passenger flows from China

to the U.S. compared to other source countries during the period between 2017 and 2019. When differentiated

by geographical locations, relative to other U.S. airports, U.S. airports near universities with a significant

presence of Chinese students are found to have experienced a more than 10 percent annual drop in passengers

originating from China. A further investigation reveals that the decline in people inflows is mainly attributed

to the loss of passenger arrivals in August and that this decline is consistently more significant than the

decrease experienced by airports near tourist destinations during the same period. These findings provide

updated evidence of the detrimental effect a hostile political climate could have on international people

mobility between two major scientific powers.

8. 美國(guó)在亞太地區(qū)向中國(guó)發(fā)出的軍事信號(hào)（2015-2022）（U.S. Military Signals to China

in the Asia-Pacific, 2015–2022）

漆海霞，清華大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系系副教授

李明澤，外交學(xué)院國(guó)際關(guān)系研究所講師

【摘要】近來(lái)，中美關(guān)系經(jīng)歷了從接觸到遏制的戰(zhàn)略轉(zhuǎn)變。然而，雙方發(fā)出的信號(hào)存在從綏靖到挑釁

的混合信號(hào)，使得雙邊關(guān)系的未來(lái)走向在這個(gè)關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻難以預(yù)測(cè)。美國(guó)在亞洲的軍事存在以及中國(guó)的

反應(yīng)的深層原因是什么？通過(guò)比較 2015 年至 2022 年間美國(guó)的 FONOPs、B-52 轟炸機(jī)行動(dòng)和美國(guó)媒

體報(bào)道等信號(hào)，本文發(fā)現(xiàn)美國(guó)的動(dòng)機(jī)可能是遏制潛在的\"挑戰(zhàn)者\"并維持國(guó)內(nèi)支持。信號(hào)成本與承諾可

靠性呈正相關(guān)關(guān)系。因此，美國(guó)選擇不同的軍事信號(hào)主要受到對(duì)威脅的認(rèn)知和信號(hào)成本的影響。美國(guó)

選擇高沉沒(méi)成本的信號(hào)主要旨在遏制中國(guó)在南海的行動(dòng)，而選擇高觀眾成本的信號(hào)通常是為了維持國(guó)

內(nèi)支持。因此，美國(guó)選擇臺(tái)前或幕后信號(hào)的決定可以解釋為既受到國(guó)內(nèi)考慮的影響，也受到外部威脅

認(rèn)知的影響。

【原文】Recently, U.S.-China relations have witnessed a strategic transition from engagement to containment.

However, the mixed signals between the two sides, ranging from appeasement to provocation, make it difficult

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at this critical crossroads to forecast the future of bilateral relations. What are the deep-seated reasons for the

U.S.’s military presence in Asia and China’s responses? By comparing such U.S. signals as FONOPs, B-52

bomber action, and U.S. media coverage from 2015 to 2022, we find that the U.S.’s motives may be to deter

a potential challenger and to sustain domestic support. The cost of signals relates positively to the reliability

of commitment. Therefore, the U.S.’s choice of different military signals is mainly affected by U.S.

perceptions of threat and signaling costs. Signals incurring high sunk costs are primarily intended to deter

China in the South China Sea, while signals at high audience cost are usually employed to maintain domestic

support. The U.S.’s selection of frontstage or offstage signals can hence be explained by both domestic

considerations and external threat perceptions.

9. 剖析中國(guó)高層領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的外交工作（The Anatomy of Diplomatic Work among China’s Top

Leaders）

曾偉峯，臺(tái)灣政治大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系研究中心助理研究員

【摘要】本文系統(tǒng)地回顧了中國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人進(jìn)行的外交活動(dòng)，旨在深入了解中國(guó)對(duì)外事務(wù)的戰(zhàn)略方針。研

究首先編制和分析了一份包含來(lái)自于中國(guó)外交部網(wǎng)站的 1908 份“領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人活動(dòng)”報(bào)告的數(shù)據(jù)集，時(shí)間

跨度從 2017 年 11 月到 2020 年 1 月。文章分析了在接待外國(guó)政要、國(guó)際訪問(wèn)、外交活動(dòng)的時(shí)間安排

以及每位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)負(fù)責(zé)監(jiān)督政策的具體地區(qū)等方面的模式和趨勢(shì)。通過(guò)分析這些模式，文章揭示了領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人

之間的外交職責(zé)的安排和分工，以及與每位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)關(guān)注的具體地區(qū)。本文的系統(tǒng)分析揭示了中國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人

外交活動(dòng)的性質(zhì)和結(jié)構(gòu)。這也為決策者提供了重新評(píng)估他們的策略并重新配置資源所需的基本信息，

以便更好地與中國(guó)進(jìn)行接觸。

【原文】This article systematically reviews the diplomatic activities carried out by China’s leaders, aiming

to gain insights into the nation’s strategic approach to foreign affairs. The research commenced by compiling

and analyzing a dataset comprising 1,908 reports on “l(fā)eaders’ activities” sourced from the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs website, spanning the period from November 2017 to January 2020. We examined patterns and trends

in areas such as the reception of foreign dignitaries, international visits, the timing of diplomatic activities, and

the specific regions for which each leader was responsible for in overseeing policy. Analyzing these patterns

unveils the scheduling and division of diplomatic responsibilities among leaders, along with the specific

regions associated with each leader’s focus. Our systematic analysis sheds light on the nature and structure of

Chinese leaders’ diplomatic activities. It also provides policymakers with essential information to reassess

their strategies and reallocate their resources as they engage with China.

10. 在農(nóng)村家庭中成為有價(jià)值的女兒：女性職業(yè)院校學(xué)生的關(guān)系認(rèn)同和賦權(quán)性別主體性

（Being a Valuable Daughter in a Rural Family: The Relational Identity and Empowered

Gender Subjectivities of Female Vocational College Students）

Anita Koo，香港浸會(huì)大學(xué)社會(huì)學(xué)系教授

戰(zhàn)洋，香港理工大學(xué)應(yīng)用社會(huì)科學(xué)系文化人類學(xué)助理教授

152

【摘要】職業(yè)高等教育的迅速擴(kuò)張、勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)的崛起以及個(gè)體主義價(jià)值觀的出現(xiàn)賦予了中國(guó)農(nóng)村年

輕女性更多的自主權(quán)，使她們能夠更自主地規(guī)劃未來(lái)和構(gòu)建自己的身份。本文通過(guò)深度訪談，探討了

來(lái)自農(nóng)村家庭的女性大學(xué)生接受職業(yè)高等教育的動(dòng)機(jī)以及她們對(duì)教育和就業(yè)的重視程度。在調(diào)查這些

年輕女性為經(jīng)濟(jì)賦權(quán)和自我發(fā)展采用的策略時(shí)，本文發(fā)現(xiàn)了一種與她們強(qiáng)烈的愿望緊密聯(lián)系的新的賦

權(quán)性別主體性，即成為原生父系家庭中有價(jià)值的女兒。她們的目標(biāo)是通過(guò)順利的學(xué)業(yè)到就業(yè)過(guò)渡，立

志為父母提供持續(xù)的經(jīng)濟(jì)、情感和身體支持，從而努力改變女兒在父系制度中的被貶低的角色。然而，

這種賦權(quán)機(jī)構(gòu)不一定挑戰(zhàn)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)的性別結(jié)構(gòu)和女性在家庭中的主要照顧角色。該研究還強(qiáng)調(diào)了在

中國(guó)個(gè)體身份的關(guān)系性質(zhì)，并突顯了在中國(guó)農(nóng)村社區(qū)中的社會(huì)、文化和經(jīng)濟(jì)的快速轉(zhuǎn)型中，受過(guò)教育

的年輕女性性別主體性的復(fù)雜性。

【原文】The rapid expansion of vocational higher education, the labor market, and the emergence of

individualistic values have empowered the young generation of Chinese rural women, granting them more

autonomy in planning their futures and constructing their identities. This article explores the motivation for

vocational higher education and the meaning attached to education and employment among the female college

students from rural households, primarily through in-depth interviews. While investigating the strategies

young women employ for economic empowerment and self-development, we identify a new form of

empowered gender subjectivity highly tied to their strong desire to become valuable daughters within their

natal patrilineal families. They aim to transform the devalued role of daughters in the patriarchal system by

aspiring to provide continuous financial, emotional, and physical support for their parents through a smooth

school-to-work transition. This empowered agency, however, does not necessarily challenge the gender

structure of the labor market and the primary caregiving role of women in families. This study also underscores

the relational nature of individual identity in China and highlights the intricacies of educated young women’s

gendered subjectivities under the rapid social, cultural, and economic transitions in Chinese rural communities.

【編譯：王詩(shī)涵】

【責(zé)任編輯：嚴(yán)瑾怡】

千合

`《Jl

玉

國(guó)政學(xué)人成立于2017年初， 于2018年10月改版升級(jí)， 專

注國(guó)外權(quán)威期刊前沿學(xué)術(shù)動(dòng)態(tài)， 是國(guó)內(nèi)首家大規(guī)模譯介

國(guó)際關(guān)系權(quán)威外文期刊的公益平臺(tái)。 至今為止， 國(guó)政學(xué)

人公眾號(hào)擁有讀者十余萬(wàn)人， 全媒體粉絲已超五十萬(wàn)。

為打破中外學(xué)術(shù)研究的信息隔閔， 國(guó)政學(xué)人團(tuán)隊(duì)開(kāi)啟并

實(shí)施了長(zhǎng)達(dá)數(shù)年的學(xué)術(shù)編譯計(jì)劃， 始終秉待“立足全球視

野， 緊跟學(xué)術(shù)前沿“團(tuán)隊(duì)埋念， 目前已推出包括2000余篇

SSCI前沿編譯、 20余本權(quán)威期刊前沿速遞在內(nèi)的諸多內(nèi)

容， 初步搭建了解國(guó)際學(xué)術(shù) 前沿的便捷窗口。 創(chuàng)設(shè)以

來(lái)， 國(guó)政學(xué)人平臺(tái)吸引了數(shù)百位來(lái)自海內(nèi)外名校的青年

學(xué)者與高材生志愿加入， 現(xiàn)已成為本領(lǐng)域內(nèi)最大規(guī)模的

學(xué)術(shù)公益團(tuán)體。

在自媒體井噴式發(fā)展的當(dāng)下， 國(guó)政學(xué)人團(tuán)隊(duì)致力于打造融媒體網(wǎng)絡(luò)，

梊微信公眾號(hào)、 微博、 bilibili、 喜馬拉雅、 今H 頭條、 抖音等新媒體

平臺(tái)于一體。 除提供編譯資源外， 針對(duì)日益多樣化的受眾， 國(guó)政學(xué)人

還設(shè)有專家訪談、 新著推薦與讀書(shū)會(huì)、 經(jīng)驗(yàn)分享會(huì)等欄目， 并發(fā)布了

諸多原創(chuàng)視頻及音頻作品。

＜＜國(guó)際關(guān)系前沿＞〉是國(guó)政學(xué)人學(xué)術(shù)共同體發(fā)起創(chuàng)辦的公益性電子刊

物， 旨在述介國(guó)際關(guān)系領(lǐng)域具有開(kāi)創(chuàng)性、 前沿性、 學(xué)埋性、 實(shí)證性、

思辨性的研究成果， 爭(zhēng)取成為連接學(xué)界師生、 出版界刊物和政策制定

者的橋梁， 從而為國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)科的發(fā)展與國(guó)關(guān)類知識(shí)的傳播共享微薄

之力。

lnternational Politics Scholars

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