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light of their successes before the dissolution of the USSR, offers new insights into the effectiveness of greenpolitics in the Russian provinces prior to the disintegration of the USSR. 7. 摩爾多瓦、拉脫維亞大清洗和赫魯曉夫的代際斗爭(zhēng)（1958—1962）（Moldova, theLatvian Purges and Khrushchev’s Generational Struggle, 1958–1962）William D. Prigge，南達(dá)科塔州立大學(xué)歷史學(xué)教授

Marius T?rí??，獨(dú)立研究員

【摘要】蘇聯(lián)歷史學(xué)家越來(lái)越多地將目光轉(zhuǎn)向看似平靜的 1958—1962 年。這一時(shí)期各加盟共和國(guó)高層領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的更替早已為人所熟知，但這些變化的原因及其程度仍不清楚。本研究考察了各共和國(guó)中央委員會(huì)的更替率，并以摩爾多瓦和拉脫維亞為案例進(jìn)行研究。我們得出結(jié)論，變化的根本原因是取代老一代人的愿望。更常見(jiàn)的解釋是針對(duì)民族主義者，但這實(shí)際上是守舊派的后衛(wèi)行動(dòng)，他們減緩了但未能阻止這一變化。

【原文】Historians of the Soviet Union have increasingly turned their attention to the seemingly quiet yearsof 1958–1962. Turnover in top leadership within the republics has long been noted, but the causes of thesechanges and their extent are still not precisely known. This study examines turnover rates for eachof therepublic central committees, then uses Moldova and Latvia as case studies. We conclude that the root causeof the change was a desire to replace the older generation. The targeting of nationalists, the more usual

explanation, was in fact a rearguard action by the old guard, which slowed but did not stop the shift. 【編譯：鄒梓軒周杼樾】【責(zé)任編輯：嚴(yán)瑾怡】

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《地中海政治》（Mediterranean Politics）Mediterranean Politics，Vol. 29, No. 4, 2024

1. 向代理人提供安全援助--阿聯(lián)酋如何確保其地區(qū)目標(biāo)的實(shí)現(xiàn)（Security assistancetosurrogates–how the UAE secures its regional objectives）

Andreas Krieg，倫敦國(guó)王學(xué)院安全研究學(xué)院副教授

【摘要】在西方自由主義國(guó)家于中東地區(qū)相對(duì)后撤的戰(zhàn)略背景下，阿拉伯聯(lián)合酋長(zhǎng)國(guó)承擔(dān)了部分地區(qū)安全援助的責(zé)任——這重新定義了安全援助的規(guī)范和做法。與西方國(guó)家不同，阿聯(lián)酋正在投入對(duì)利比亞或也門的安全援助。與其說(shuō)這是在海外建立國(guó)家和國(guó)家的一種手段，不如說(shuō)是作為一種建立網(wǎng)絡(luò)的手段，使小國(guó)能夠在不附加任何規(guī)范性條件的情況下投射影響力和權(quán)力。更重要的是，阿聯(lián)酋通過(guò)代理人提供安全援助，作為一種獨(dú)立的外交方略，使阿布扎比能夠在看似合理的拒絕下參與海外競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。其中許多代理人不僅挑戰(zhàn)了國(guó)家對(duì)暴力的壟斷，而且通過(guò)創(chuàng)造其他形式的以安全部門為基礎(chǔ)的治理，最終破壞了合法的政府機(jī)構(gòu)?？傊?，阿聯(lián)酋的安全援助方式建立在分而治之的基礎(chǔ)上，建立了非常強(qiáng)大的代理人網(wǎng)絡(luò)，以確保競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手無(wú)法確保自己的利益。

【 原 文 】 Amid a relative withdrawal of western, liberal states from the Middle East, the UnitedArabEmirates have taken over some of the burden of regional security assistance–doing so redefining norms andpractices of security assistance. Unlike western counterparts, the UAE are investing into security assistancein Libya or Yemen, not so much as a means of state and nation-building overseas, but as means of buildingnetworks allowing the small state to project influence and power with few normative strings attached. Moreso, the UAE deliver security assistance via surrogates as discrete means of statecraft allowing Abu Dhabi tocompete overseas with plausible deniability. Many of these surrogates do not only challenge the state’smonopoly over violence but ultimately undermine legitimate government institutions by creating alternativeforms of security sector-based governance. Ultimately, the UAE’s approach to security assistance is basedon divide-and-rule, ripening particularly potent networks of surrogates over others to ensure that competitorsare unable to secure their interests.

《地中海政治》（Mediterranean Politics）是一本匯集了地中海及其周邊地區(qū)當(dāng)代政治和國(guó)際關(guān)系研究的學(xué)術(shù)期刊。地中海不僅被理解為那些邊界部分或全部由海洋本身界定的國(guó)家，而且被理解為一個(gè)跨越歐洲、非洲和亞洲大陸的空間。因此，該刊尋求作為相關(guān)區(qū)域研究團(tuán)體之間的橋梁，文章范圍包括更廣泛的歐洲、非洲、中東和西亞地區(qū)的國(guó)家和人口。該刊近五年影響因子為 2.266。

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2. 安全援助在突尼斯過(guò)渡進(jìn)程中的重塑作用（The role of security assistance inreconfiguring Tunisia’s transition）

Rosa Maryon，西英格蘭大學(xué)高級(jí)講師

【摘要】在地中海的許多情況下，安全援助被認(rèn)為是導(dǎo)致國(guó)家分裂或長(zhǎng)期沖突的原因。相反，在突尼斯，安全援助提高了安全部隊(duì)在反恐和移民控制方面的表現(xiàn)和能力。然而，本文通過(guò)分析安全援助重新排序的影響，認(rèn)為其與政治發(fā)展相互作用，以兩種方式重新配置突尼斯動(dòng)蕩的政治格局。首先，安全援助方案加強(qiáng)了突尼斯安全部隊(duì)對(duì)一般民眾的強(qiáng)制能力。其次，垂直安全實(shí)踐有助于突尼斯安全部門不同行動(dòng)者之間權(quán)力動(dòng)態(tài)的重新配置，有助于鞏固行政部門日益獨(dú)裁的權(quán)力，以及日益政治化的安全部隊(duì)。此外，本文的最后一部分將反思安全援助、突尼斯政治經(jīng)濟(jì)和許多提供國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益之間的糾纏。并在此過(guò)程中提出了在分析地中海外部干預(yù)措施時(shí)將安全研究與政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)“重新掛鉤”的緣由，以更好地理解其重新排序的影響。

【原文】In many contexts in the Mediterranean, Security Assistance (SA) is perceived to have contributedtostate fracture or prolonged conflict. In Tunisia, in contrast, SA has increased the performance and capacitiesof the security forces in matters of counterterrorism and migration control. However, in this article, byanalysing SA’s reordering impacts, I argue that it has interacted with political developments to reconfigureTunisia’s volatile political landscape in two ways. Firstly, SA programmes have acted to reinforcethecoercive capacities of Tunisia’s security forces vis-à-vis the general population. Secondly, vertical SApractices contributed to the reconfiguration of power dynamics between different actors in Tunisia’s securitysector, helping consolidate power in the increasingly authoritarian hands of the executive as well as theincreasingly politicized security forces. Furthermore, in the final section of this article, I reflect upontheentanglements between security assistance, Tunisian political economy and the economic interests of manyprovider states. In doing so, I make the case for a ‘recoupling’ of security studies and political economyinanalysis of external interventions in the Mediterranean to better understand their reordering impacts. 3. 對(duì)手和陌生伙伴的形成：土耳其和俄羅斯在敘利亞和利比亞內(nèi)戰(zhàn)中的安全援助模式（The making of rivals and strange bedfellows: Patterns of Turkish and Russiansecurityassistance in the Syrian and Libyan civil wars）

Abdullah Al-Jabassini，歐洲大學(xué)學(xué)院研究員

Emadeddin Badi，大西洋理事會(huì)中東項(xiàng)目非駐地高級(jí)研究員

【摘要】在利比亞和敘利亞內(nèi)戰(zhàn)中，俄羅斯和土耳其成為向交戰(zhàn)雙方提供安全援助的兩個(gè)主要角色。雖然這兩個(gè)外國(guó)勢(shì)力的干預(yù)為棘手和動(dòng)蕩的武裝沖突帶來(lái)了新的動(dòng)力，但其根本目的是為正在進(jìn)行的沖突注入外來(lái)目標(biāo)，并在地中海南部地區(qū)投射力量。本文從理論和實(shí)證角度對(duì)安全援助進(jìn)行了研究。在理論層面，本文提出了一種類型學(xué)，區(qū)分了國(guó)家-非國(guó)家層面的正式、非正式和半正式的戰(zhàn)時(shí)安全援助過(guò)程。在實(shí)證層面，通過(guò)與敘利亞和利比亞的國(guó)家官員、前叛軍和現(xiàn)役叛軍以及雇傭軍進(jìn)行罕見(jiàn)的接觸，本文對(duì)俄羅斯和土耳其向國(guó)家和非國(guó)家武裝行動(dòng)者提供安全援助的模式進(jìn)行了獨(dú)特的描述性分析。本文考察了這兩個(gè)外國(guó)勢(shì)力如何利用敘利亞已有的安全援助框架，在利比亞招募和部署戰(zhàn)斗人

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員，從而在兩場(chǎng)沖突之間建立聯(lián)系。盡管安全援助已成為俄羅斯和土耳其之間的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)場(chǎng)所，但本文展示了相互承認(rèn)安全利益如何為敘利亞和利比亞的談判和達(dá)成協(xié)議創(chuàng)造了空間?！驹摹縄n the Libyan and Syrian civil wars, Russia and Turkey emerged as two principal players providingsecurity assistance to opposing warring parties. While interventions on the part of the two foreign powershave introduced new dynamics into intractable and volatile armed conflicts, the underlying intentionwas toinject extraneous goals into ongoing conflicts and project power in the southern Mediterranean region. Thisarticle investigates security assistance theoretically and empirically. Theoretically, we propose a typologythat distinguishes between formal, informal and semi-formal processes of wartime security assistance acrossthe state-non-state dimension. Empirically, drawing on rare access to state officials, former and active rebels, as well as mercenary actors in Syria and Libya, we give a unique description of the patterns of securityassistance provided by Russia and Turkey to state and non-state armed actors. We examine the ways inwhich the two foreign powers have created a nexus between the two conflicts by capitalizing on pre-existingsecurity assistance frameworks in Syria to recruit and deploy fighters to Libya. Although security assistancehas emerged as a competition site between Russia and Turkey, we demonstrate how mutual recognitionof

security interests has created margins for negotiation and agreement-reaching in Syria and Libya. 4. 可處置的叛軍：美國(guó)在敘利亞戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中對(duì)叛軍的軍事援助（Disposable rebels: USmilitary assistance to insurgents in the Syrian war）

?ystein H. Rolandsen，挪威奧斯陸和平研究所教授

Kjetil Selvik，挪威國(guó)際事務(wù)研究所教授

【摘要】在敘利亞戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間，美國(guó)等西方國(guó)家為敘利亞反政府武裝提供訓(xùn)練、裝備和資金，幫助他們對(duì)抗政府，后來(lái)又鏟除了“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯蘭國(guó)”(ISIL)。當(dāng)國(guó)家利用武裝組織實(shí)現(xiàn)外交政策目標(biāo)時(shí)，控制是一個(gè)關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題。在 2013 至 2018 年期間，美國(guó)試圖對(duì)致命軍事援助的提供者和接受者實(shí)施這種控制。本文調(diào)查了中央情報(bào)局和國(guó)防部并行的援助方案。對(duì)應(yīng)用委托代理模型解釋外國(guó)援助叛軍動(dòng)態(tài)的理論假設(shè)提出了質(zhì)疑。本文認(rèn)為在美國(guó)控制叛軍的戰(zhàn)略中，協(xié)調(diào)安全援助的提供者和劃分受援者是必要條件。與此同時(shí)，招募工作的延誤、受訓(xùn)士兵人數(shù)的限制、武器供應(yīng)的短缺以及對(duì)叛軍行動(dòng)的嚴(yán)格監(jiān)管都降低了援助的效力。這種利用安全援助的方式幫助美國(guó)及其西方盟友擊潰了伊斯蘭國(guó)，同時(shí)避免了大馬士革的崩潰。然而，這是以犧牲叛軍的凝聚力、自主性和合法性為代價(jià)的?！驹摹緿uring the Syrian War, the US and other Western countries trained, equipped and paid Syrianrebels to fight the government and, later, root out the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Whenstates use armed groups to attain foreign policy objectives, control is a key concern. The US sought toenforce such control over providers and recipients of lethal military assistance in the period from2013–18. We investigate the parallel CIA and Department of Defence assistance programmes . We challengetheoretical assumptions related to the application of the principal-agent model to explain the dynamics of

foreign assistance to rebels. We argue that, in the US strategy to control rebels, co-ordinating the providersand dividing the recipients of security assistance were essential conditions. Meanwhile, the delays inrecruitment, the limitations on the number of soldiers trained, the short supply of weapons and the strict

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regulation of the actions carried out by the rebels all reduced the efficacy of the assistance. This wayof

instrumentalising security assistance helped the US and its Western allies to crush ISIL while avoidingacollapse in Damascus. However, this happened at the expense of rebel cohesion, autonomy, and legitimacy. 5. 走向非西方的安全援助模式：伊朗如何援助軍隊(duì)（Towards a non-Westernmodel ofsecurity assistance: How Iran assists militaries）

Abdolrasool Divsallar ，米蘭圣心天主教大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)與國(guó)際關(guān)系研究生院兼職教授Hamidreza Azizi，德國(guó)柏林科學(xué)與政治基金會(huì)非洲與中東研究部訪問(wèn)研究員【摘要】隨著 1979 年革命的爆發(fā)，伊朗的安全援助（SA）經(jīng)歷了重大轉(zhuǎn)變，從革命后早期以意識(shí)形態(tài)為導(dǎo)向的對(duì)伊斯蘭運(yùn)動(dòng)的零散支持轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)閷踩鳛閲?guó)家安全戰(zhàn)略的核心。本文通過(guò)探討以下關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題來(lái)思考伊朗的安全援助模式：革命后伊朗戰(zhàn)略思維中對(duì)安全保障及其作用的認(rèn)識(shí)發(fā)生了怎樣的變化？伊朗戰(zhàn)略安全實(shí)踐的關(guān)鍵要素是什么？在援助當(dāng)?shù)剀娛禄锇榉矫媸欠翊嬖凇耙晾史绞健?，在多大程度上與其他國(guó)家的類似做法重疊？論文指出了兩個(gè)階段的演變過(guò)程，認(rèn)為戰(zhàn)略援助逐漸演變?yōu)橐环N戰(zhàn)略工具，用于建立德黑蘭領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的地區(qū)聯(lián)盟模式、增強(qiáng)伊朗的威懾能力以及對(duì)抗美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的集體安全架構(gòu)。德黑蘭以意識(shí)形態(tài)和反帝國(guó)主義的混合理念為核心，依靠人與人之間的紐帶和個(gè)人忠誠(chéng)，將非對(duì)稱行動(dòng)與持續(xù)的兵力投送相結(jié)合，并采用集中式指揮結(jié)構(gòu)，將公開(kāi)性降到最低，從而推出了一種獨(dú)特的安全援助模式。本文展示了伊朗如何超越對(duì)安全援助的技術(shù)性看法，逐步形成了一個(gè)交織著救世主式、經(jīng)濟(jì)和戰(zhàn)略維度的整體模式。

【原文】With the 1979 revolution, Iran’s Security Assistance (SA) underwent a significant transformation, from fragmented and ideologically-driven support for Islamic movements in the early post-revolutionarystage to making SA the centrepiece of its national security strategy. This article explores Iran' model of SAby addressing the following key questions: How have perceptions of SA and its role in post-revolutionaryIran’s strategic thinking changed? What constitutes key elements of the Iranian SA practice? Is therean‘Iranian way' of assisting local military partners, and to what extent does it overlap with other states’ similar

practices? The paper identifies a two-stage process of evolution, arguing that SA gradually evolvedintoastrategic tool to build a Tehran-led regional alliance model, boost Iran’s deterrence capability, and counter

the US-led collective security architecture. With a hybrid ideological and anti-imperialist rationale at its core, relying on human bonds and personal loyalties, mixing asymmetric operations with sustainedforceprojection, and using a centralized command structure with minimum public exposure, Tehranhasintroduced a unique model of security assistance. The paper shows how Iran has moved beyond a technical

view of SA to gradually shape a holistic model with interwoven messianic, economic, and strategicdimensions. 6. 地中海大象：后殖民性與歐洲安全援助實(shí)踐（The elephant in the med: Postcolonialityand European security assistance practices）

Simone Tholens ，意大利約翰·卡波特大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系副教授

Chiara Ruffa，巴黎政治學(xué)院國(guó)際研究中心教授

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【摘要】本文探討了地中海地區(qū)的一個(gè)重大問(wèn)題：歐洲安全援助對(duì)全球后殖民秩序延續(xù)的影響。本文指出了安全援助的三種核心做法，它們?yōu)楹笾趁窠庾x提供了依據(jù)：從外部制造“問(wèn)題”并設(shè)計(jì)要解決的“方案”；將“援助方”和“受援方”聯(lián)系在物質(zhì)依賴關(guān)系中；以及作為“薄”調(diào)整而非“厚”抵抗的爭(zhēng)論。與功能主義的主張相反，本文在當(dāng)代歐洲安全援助實(shí)踐中觀察到的情況與后殖民邏輯是一致的，后殖民邏輯產(chǎn)生了獨(dú)特的主體性并復(fù)制了不平等的模式。歐洲國(guó)家--無(wú)論是否為前殖民國(guó)家--利用安全援助以等級(jí)方式構(gòu)建世界。本文認(rèn)為，安全援助主要不是為了戰(zhàn)略效果，而是為了顯示優(yōu)越性、再現(xiàn)依賴性和殖民化/殖民化心態(tài)。此外，安全援助實(shí)踐揭示了安全援助的必要性--即歐洲安全援助的存在往往與不安全糾纏在一起，因此，安全援助實(shí)踐使安全援助的必要性顯而易見(jiàn)--這是一種自我生產(chǎn)的證成性，就像從殖民劇本中摘錄的一樣。本文從英國(guó)、法國(guó)、意大利和瑞典在利比亞和黎巴嫩提供安全援助的方式中汲取靈感，探索其運(yùn)作的構(gòu)成過(guò)程。

【 原 文 】 This article explores an enormous elephant in the Mediterranean space: European securityassistance’s impact on the continuation of a global postcolonial order. We identify three core practices of

security assistance that provides for postcolonial readings: externally producing ‘the problem’ and designing‘the solutions’ to be tackled; linking the ‘provider’ and ‘recipients’ in material dependencies; andcontestation as ‘thin’ adjustments rather than ‘thick’ resistance. Contrary to claims of functionalism, what weobserve in contemporary European security assistance practice is consistent with postcolonial logics that

produce distinct subjectivities and reproduce patterns of inequalities. European states – whether former

colonial powers or not –use security assistance to structure the world in hierarchical ways. We arguethat

security assistance is not primarily about strategic effects but principally about signalling superiorityandreproducing dependencies and colonizing/colonised mentalities. Moreover, security assistance practicesreveal the need for security assistance–i.e. European SA presence often gets entangled with insecurity, andas such, security assistance practice makes the need for security assistance visible – a self-producingevidentiality that is as taken out of the colonial playbook. The paper explores constitutive processes at workby drawing on insights from British, French, Italian and Swedish approaches to security assistance inLibyaand Lebanon. 7. 地中海馬什里克和馬格里布地區(qū)的安全援助、安全化、安全體系和不安全狀況（Security assistance, securitization, security systems, and insecurity in the

Mediterranean mashriq and maghreb）

Robert Springborg，加拿大西蒙弗雷澤大學(xué)國(guó)際研究學(xué)院兼職教授

【摘要】中東和北非（其中地中海南部和東部次區(qū)域占人口和領(lǐng)土的大部分）是世界上安全化程度最高的地區(qū)，也是接受安全援助最多的地區(qū)，但卻是全球安全程度最低的國(guó)家。與此相關(guān)的一個(gè)悖論是，雖然該地區(qū)的國(guó)家是世界上最不民主的國(guó)家，但其大部分安全援助卻來(lái)自民主國(guó)家。本文以這兩個(gè)悖論的原因和后果為基礎(chǔ)，探討地中海及更廣泛的中東和北非地區(qū)的安全化、安全體系和不安全之間的關(guān)系。這些悖論是歷史遺留問(wèn)題和有限準(zhǔn)入秩序的產(chǎn)物，是該地區(qū)政治經(jīng)濟(jì)的特點(diǎn)。它們是安全援助提供方和接受方之間“浮士德式交易”的主要驅(qū)動(dòng)力，也是這些關(guān)系的代價(jià)。文章最后回顧了改善安全

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援助成本與收益平衡的提議，建議采取雙重戰(zhàn)略，即尋求改革受援國(guó)的軍民關(guān)系，同時(shí)改變雙方在安全援助關(guān)系中的軍事角色和責(zé)任。

【原文】The Middle East and North Africa, of which the southern and eastern Mediterranean sub-regionconstitutes the bulk of the population and territory, is the world’s most securitized region. It is alsotheleading recipient of security assistance but provides the least security of any global region. Arelated paradoxis that this region, the states of which are the world’s least democratic, receives the bulk of its securityassistance from democracies. This article draws upon the causes and consequences of these two paradoxes toinvestigate relationships between securitization, security systems, and insecurity in the Mediterraneanandbroader MENA region. These paradoxes are products of historical legacies and limited access orders that

characterize the region’s political economies. They are key drivers of ‘Faustian Bargains’ between providersand recipients of security assistance and the costs of those relationships. The article concludes with a reviewof proposals to improve the balance of costs and benefits of SA, recommending a dual strategy of seekingtoreform recipients’ civil–military relations while changing military roles and responsibilities of both partnersin security assistance relationships. 【編譯：馬欣茹張瀟文】【責(zé)任編輯：嚴(yán)瑾怡】