2025年第1期(總第19期)95JournalfConfictReoluion,Vol.68No.10Nomber20241.不再是戰(zhàn):政權(quán)更迭政變獨(dú)裁者洗誰?(BotesinArmsoLoge:WoRegmeChangCoupentrDtatosure?Edwdoldn,大亞大學(xué)比治學(xué)講Asin.Matthws,美東【要表明,獨(dú)變后清洗軍事),研表層的精解專國的內(nèi)部運(yùn)作是用。因此提疑:更的政變裁清洗本文認(rèn)為,獨(dú)裁清誰取于與個(gè)因相關(guān)和益。首先,清具強(qiáng)能力精英需要更成,為們獨(dú)者提對外部。,者受;精英顯推翻現(xiàn)任總這脅獨(dú)鞏固。從198至00間3專制統(tǒng)治機(jī)構(gòu)的29名英原始量中到本文的研結(jié)對政變所產(chǎn)部專制權(quán)具重要義別關(guān)于生和國家暴力話題【文】Researchshowstadicatorspurge(miiary)elitesfolingc,whileothrworkshowsteutilityofanazingindividual-evelipurgestoundetandtirworkingofatocsWterrask:Whoremechanecoup-enydittospurgeWearguethatwhoditatorspurgedendsoncotsnbeetsrengtotwoftoFirspurgineltewithcoerciveactyntaishighercostduthessistathypovidedictatornvigatiotsidethreats.Second,dictatbenefitfrurngtshohelpedthemseizeteewillingnessoftheseelitestooverthowaninthreatenstatorandhistoonsolidatpoWefsupportfroagumentfoquantativedn289lii32autocratiulinnsiibtween1948d000.urfndishaeimormplicaforeohearpofautocraciesbornofregimechacoups,paticaryicsosivlandstateviolence.2.失能力有限地區(qū)的抗議(TiigLomotdrotestinAreasaodPriHic的環(huán)理】是了制則有議理過較釋并出家領(lǐng)非表但究來非是的在面滿的個(gè)察實(shí)住戶數(shù)集為“主的調(diào)缺抗關(guān)定性數(shù)正何國。
96【原文】Watexplainsprotesobilizationinareasoflimiedstehood,wherthegvernmentstugglsoakeandenfoceule?Weaatexistingtheryoexlanprtestmoilatiotoughoaesective,bgnngpositintharapedatecitizens’interionwittheveriaoiitatedresetcruialutundersuidsureopoliticloprniy.Wpciillyarutatiallaliharecrrbizensnestteoeetinsipetwegriancesaottattilel.mhsffieoriintihlamLeveragingaoriginal,hig-freqencyhouseholdpneldataset,wemostteowinformalpliticaetecalled“cmmunityhieople”modertetheoerwiseptiveasciationbtnpublicsrvcshrtgesapstaltatvdatacolctedthughfcsgousndinteviwsprdefurteevdencofhowinfomlpiticaelteshpeprtemobilitinittiswherethestisweak.3.神的間與宗教暴來自印印度-斯亂據(jù)(ScrTiReliiosiEviencefromMslimtsinIdia)yadlle,哈佛政府系要】代成社區(qū)力的焦點(diǎn)?在印度的印度教-穆斯林騷背下,認(rèn)一種宗教儀與另一種宗教儀式不一致(或參加盲目崇拜的游)的式有助于的正相儀不相容的提供了教,使騷可能性更大。這些型的以被動(dòng)起者用來煽動(dòng)暴,也可個(gè)暴力的意本文10來印度教-穆斯林騷亂的數(shù)據(jù)來支持這一論點(diǎn)。本文通研究史上和發(fā)生的騷亂案例來究些機(jī)制。通過關(guān)注宗教內(nèi)容本文如何精英們提供煽暴力的潛條?!驹摹縃owandwhncarlistiesecomefocalpintfromnavole?Inteextofu-MuslimriotsndIarguethatincmbleithldaywhonreligiosritaretodswithanother(e.gsorengaginginprocessionswithidolatr)iposiveffctofsacdtmenregioriig.Hoidawithiompaiblrituasprovdeoctrinldiferencethatmalikely.Thesetypofhodascabeudioteepreneurscanindependentlyraeann’silssoenginiolence.Irvpoorarbanzingdoninumitaross10esnsgaetemhtrdtolsnngisorndntaycsesofrihaorrnids.Byfocusigohcntentoliion,haosceilcnecnditnstatelincitereligiousviolence自與:hinyihn國圣的
2025年第1期(總第19期)97Mtthewains,美國惠特沃斯大學(xué)政治科學(xué)系國際關(guān)系助理教MeriditLaVelle,美國治亞大學(xué)政學(xué)與國際事務(wù)專業(yè)博士候選人【摘】什么國家及其代理人會(huì)侵公民?統(tǒng)解釋側(cè)重于抗政治、政的在和國際壓力。盡管如,這種犯的背景下剖析家及其代人的述在很程上仍然是理性質(zhì)的。關(guān)家導(dǎo)人其更泛政和職能的關(guān)國家內(nèi)權(quán)描提供了一突破文個(gè)與權(quán)尊重的機(jī)關(guān)有著本不同的關(guān)系,依身領(lǐng)不太激活操縱那些對侵犯人權(quán)負(fù)責(zé)制度。使用991年至201年的據(jù),本表導(dǎo)格合在使人權(quán)狀惡?!疚腤yosttndteiragensabectiznTadtionalxpanatoncusonconntiousoiis,penceofnsius,ntissDesptthstsdiigstentsgetsintiscontetabsemainlrltcnnae.hriclferabhuointhe-staeccountsofhumanrightsausesbyfocusingonstateleaeranrlatioptobroadergovernmentinstitutionanunction.potthatpersnalisteadershavefndamenlldfferentrelationhpwthitituinthtserhrihsspctrunghatlersrelyngoteirowmerisandtiesarelesslieltoehracivateormaniulteinstittinsofcblityorhumanrightabuses.Usngaafrom11to209eshowatercfeaderlegitheveswithinpersonaliramignomanrightscditons5.國技術(shù)競爭的不確性信息和風(fēng)險(xiǎn)(UncintyInformaion,RikinInternaticnologyRacesiolEmery-Xu,加州大學(xué)洛杉分校經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)系博士生Andrewark公數(shù)Roertrager,津?qū)W拉瓦特尼政府院高級【要】個(gè)正式的模型揭示了信息環(huán)境如何影響國際間進(jìn)行施一項(xiàng)強(qiáng)而險(xiǎn)新軍的競賽這可能會(huì)造一種影響所有國家的“難”。實(shí)施該技術(shù)的國家面著安全性和爭表現(xiàn)之間。各面臨有關(guān)功未知、私有和息。更具決定性競其小的績效會(huì)產(chǎn)生的勝利通常更危險(xiǎn)。此披露有關(guān)競手能力的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)個(gè)相響國家要么們在能力相差,少現(xiàn)它在能降低獲勝的安全。因此,除果斷性下,共信息場景的風(fēng)于私。最后無論信如,最終失敗者相對于最終獲勝者對安全的影響越,賽就危?!驹摹緼formalmodelrevealsowtheinformatonnvrmeafecernationlsoiplemntaporfudangusemtaryhnlogywhichmycusea“disase”afecillstats.Stimlemeehnloaceadeoffeetesafetyttcnologyadperforncinterac.Statfaunkow,rivte,andublcinformatinoutcapabilitieinwhimllerflsrodularproabilitiesotory,areusuallyrdngerous.Inadition,evalingiomatinboiva’capablieshaoppfftsnristtesdiveherthat
98theyaefaraprtincapabilityandcompetelessorthathyarecloeincapabiltyanddrasicalyreducesfetytoin.Terefore,teubiinformtinscenroislesrikhhepivateintiscearixhihdecieneall,gadlessoinforhertheventualoser’actoseltthetulwinne’,hemdangousistrac.6.美國經(jīng)制的行和全球行為Thefrcntof.S.coomicasnolDe-sviBrynRal,約州立大學(xué)尼分校教授hyMPerson,學(xué)政治球研究學(xué)院的副教授【摘】有表明,公司常守國裁——過稱為去險(xiǎn)本文為美國濟(jì)制的執(zhí)行象至制裁執(zhí)行美國制的第三方貿(mào)易之存在系統(tǒng)性關(guān)系。具體來說,本文推測,美國對違反制裁者實(shí)施制裁處罰的頻率和嚴(yán)重程度越高,與美國制目標(biāo)的三貿(mào)就減多。通過分2003年至2015年的數(shù)據(jù),本文現(xiàn),國的制裁執(zhí)法行動(dòng)與方國家與美國裁目標(biāo)之的雙邊的大下降相關(guān),即使執(zhí)行動(dòng)針對的是該成對組以外的各方。這表明,美國實(shí)裁放大了美國對目標(biāo)經(jīng)濟(jì)體造成的傷害原文】Evdncesggsthtfrmsfeqntloe-cmpywith.Ssacion—aprocssasokowa“de-rsknWeatatU.S.enfoceenoitecoomisancioshacotriuttothspnntotheextentthatwecanserasystetceatinshpeenU.S.anciosnormntandthird-partyhU.S.actargSpecicathehat,hetthfrequencyandseveitofstncetesedythnstsnctonvio,themoretradewithU.S.sanctiontargetswilldecinAnalyzingdtafr2003to2015,weinU.S.sanctionsorcemetactioncrrelawithignficandlsindadictadebeenthird-partystatesndUSanctionsags,nwenenementaistagetisxrnatottdad.ssggetsth.S.’senfntofitsaionsgnifiestheharmtsinflictontargete、教和美國道義干的支持(Re,Rigion,anAmericanSupportforumataraInion)Jonaha.Chu,州大學(xué)洛杉分政治學(xué)系博士人CaLe,軍學(xué)院安全的副教【】公對人道預(yù)的持是否取于圖拯救的人種和宗信?社會(huì)認(rèn)理論,人們更喜歡助與們有相,家長規(guī)范可偏。全美行來,這些樣本在假設(shè)的內(nèi)中將國人隨機(jī)化據(jù)顯,美人(其是基督徒)意代表基徒不是穆斯林行干預(yù)。內(nèi)體親不是外釋了這種影響與此同時(shí),美種族方面表出的偏見不太一致。后,然學(xué)們發(fā)現(xiàn)家長規(guī)范影響對經(jīng)濟(jì)援助的態(tài),本
205年第1期(總第19期)99發(fā)現(xiàn)軍事干預(yù)沒有類似的效果。然而,世界主義心態(tài)的美國人表達(dá)的基身份的偏較少。本文得出的結(jié)論,人根據(jù)他們基本的社會(huì)心理本能行事但規(guī)范以減輕這些偏見。【原文】oespblicsuportoramdumaniariainterventiondeendnteaceaneigthoeetosvecaldettythryectsthteoplhgstragrwithwhomsharendnti,butnosopenismdcsmolsmculoderateuhavoitimeetthespopositisviasreyexprimntsmnstereoaoalyretivsrttramizedthracalanligcharcteorenersinhypoeticacivilwaretreahtAericansspaChristiansrrvneonbehalfofChristiansoverMuslims.IngroupaffinityrathertanugpIslaophobiaexplainstseffteanwhileAmeriansexibtlessonistenprejudicalongacialnes.Fnally,whilesholarsfnpatrnalitnrmsafecatitdestardecooasstc,wefioimirffetformiitryitevetn.CosmoponAri,howevr,exprsslesidetity-asdbis.Weccudethatpepletheasicsocioscholicaisttsbunomscouldtteuathesebas8男孩和他們具民的地位不一和要武器(Boyanry:tatuscnsstenorcRegetheImortofMaorWeaponteRchad.I.Jns,斯特拉斯克萊德學(xué)政府政策學(xué)院高講師AarPSreve,蘭道夫?qū)W院(RandolphColle)政系的理摘主統(tǒng)進(jìn),它們對國內(nèi)和國際安全很有。然而,除了國家所”武器,還經(jīng)們“所求”的武器。一種解釋口不要器來獲得本文,遭更程度的面地位不一致國家的彰位象征器的比例大。了解釋同的安動(dòng)機(jī),本文還將非主權(quán)類型——強(qiáng)人、軍政府、老板和核心機(jī)——開,因?yàn)榈膰H沖突傾向國內(nèi)穩(wěn)性各不相同政間差異,一認(rèn)為非民主的個(gè)將口份象征武器。通過分析19651999的數(shù)據(jù)本文地位不一致的政權(quán)更多彰顯地象征的武器【原Maweaystempotsariificantastheyaeusefulfordomestiandntnalsecurity.However,statesregularlyimportdwpnshwntiadditntwponheyne.Oeexnoishtstatsmprtunssapotogaintat.Weaethasassfferinrhigheelfnetatusiconsise(I)imaterprpotistatussmbolwapons.Toaccoutfrdecurityoives,aseanon-rcregimetypesajn,s,aanatrnranopnaoea.Doifectheseregimatrimottlwo.tin–1,nntinsmsioasbens
100【編譯:林志】【責(zé)任編輯:李琬瑩】JournalofConflictReslution,Vl.69,No.Ja20251.武裝突的遺問題:滯留者和被迫歸移民的見解(heLegacesrmedConlict:InsghtsFromStyeedReturnFocigrantIabez,牛津?qū)W政治經(jīng)業(yè)副教授CalVrsSlva,牛津大學(xué)移民研究教授摘要】影響信和解和社區(qū)參與?暴力對些標(biāo)的相對影響么?在本文我通過關(guān)武裝沖遺及留社區(qū)的(與國內(nèi)和流所者以及著間的推返回家人(回歸)之的差異來討這些問題。研究結(jié)果依賴于我們在布收的數(shù)據(jù)的,果明國內(nèi)回歸者的任、解社區(qū)參低留守而國歸者守之的異統(tǒng)計(jì)上大多不顯。相事歸解與社區(qū)參產(chǎn)生更消極的影響,的影響則好參半。】Hwosonflisemet,andretushapetrusreconlaonandomitngagme?Andhtshriempaxposueviolenceontheseindicators?Inthispaperweexplorthesequsibyfocusingnthelegaciesofrmedconflicandthdifferenebeenthosewhostayedintheirommuntiesooiginduringtheconflic(tayee)athosewwredisplcdirnallyandinenaonadhretunehmeoertim(uesTheresuts,whicreloanalsiofdatawecoletedinBuuniggtthtintenalreturneeshvesigncalyowerleelsoftust,reonliiondommuniteemnsaywehiferencesbetweenintratoeturneeanayamtlatisticasgniant.Graeposroviolecanegativeefectnrecoanommuntyengntrntostayees,hileefontrmixed..暴犯罪和執(zhí)法影響lnCreantLoSadowfImmigrationfceen)ChtiAmbrosius,柏林自由助研究員和【】本突了移民策中個(gè)被忽視的盡管實(shí)究很少支持移民在目的地國構(gòu)成安全威脅的,迫移民返回可能會(huì)增加其在家力和犯罪。本文移民在目的地受到逐威作為外性身,追蹤執(zhí)對西哥暴力犯期響0年至20期間,墨西哥接收了0萬美逐出境的制遣返與移籍城殺案多、爾勢力增、民安感增以及率增加有。確定強(qiáng)制這些產(chǎn)生意外的負(fù)面結(jié)果的各種直接和間接渠道的第
2025年第1(總第19期)101【原文】Thisresearchhighlghtsaneglectedpardoxofmigratiopoicies:whereasarratvesomirantasasecurtythreatintheircontrieofdeinaoinlittlsupprtiemprcalui,forcingmgransturayinrasldchome.Usingmigrnts’posuretdeponetesnonasanexoouorceodficion,thispaptcestlongshadowofimmigrtinenoremetnvioncimeinMexiitofmrea.irtesfromeUSovrterod0–.Enrtunsassociawthoreomicdasongerpenceofcatlsnirtsipatiefriginswellasahighersenseofinsecurityamongthepopulatinnhherobabiliofbeingassauted.Idifingtheselocalfetsofenforcereurnareafirstteptowardnackingtevriousdrctandindireccannelstroughwicimmigeforceentgnrteunindednegatitcmsnmga’cmmniieooign3.陰謀、擊恐怖Pot,AtksandtheMurmeofTerrrim)Thomasggaer,牛津大學(xué)政治國關(guān)系授NilKetchy,牛學(xué)治關(guān)系教【要】我們應(yīng)該如恐怖主?政家通常用已實(shí)的襲擊為因量,并協(xié)變量以確定產(chǎn)生恐義的是,由于“”ttrit)于其他素導(dǎo)致陰謀脫軌的趨,襲擊并不能完義活動(dòng)。數(shù)集未包挫陰謀是否構(gòu)成恐怖主義研究中量問題。于收集的進(jìn),們研究了陰與襲擊間相關(guān)性并歐洲的戰(zhàn)義進(jìn)行了原創(chuàng)性分。我們的結(jié)果明測見研究不同具于事件是作陰。調(diào)家安全變不能解決問題。盡管,但陰恐怖用將其的中【文】Hwhouldeesureter?PolitiaetypicalseexecuteacksathedependentvariableadtestovaatstoienifyorsthprodctrrimBtttasaeanimperfecteaseterroristctviybeof‘plotattr’tetndcloserailuetopoceinenionothefaxamnewethertheexsionfiledplotsfromeventassostamasremenrismsudies.BuingonrecentadvacaloetbdotaoiasojdiEpsugcocgcernrrldoweapraoatnstycydtesitmoptopesotocihhenoeal,iqttisoteim種族視如何影響戰(zhàn)后政治重新融合倫驗(yàn)ohDrtSeceonAfterWar:hCoinoo
02GusaAgneman,挪威科技大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)副教授LisaStrmbom,隆德大學(xué)政治學(xué)副教授【摘要】前裝團(tuán)體成員重新融入正規(guī)治是突后社會(huì)面臨的一項(xiàng)根本挑??梢哉f,在種族歧視普遍在的環(huán)境中這一挑更加困難,因?yàn)槠缫曇馕吨N族化的前戰(zhàn)斗人員重返治的障礙相對較。在文中我探討了和武體如何相互作用以影響舉前景。具體而們調(diào)查了哥倫進(jìn)行的項(xiàng)聯(lián)合實(shí)驗(yàn)的是會(huì)歧視歐洲血非洲政治候人,同政家是否會(huì)因與武裝團(tuán)體有聯(lián)而受到不發(fā)參裝聯(lián)政治表現(xiàn)出強(qiáng)烈的厭惡,并且他們歧視非裔哥倫比亞選人此外,表明偏見累人和裔哥比亞候因與武裝體有聯(lián)同。最后,我們討異質(zhì)理,以揭種族視和前武裝團(tuán)體成厭惡的來源?!驹摹縏herinteratnfformerarmgffiltsiformalpiauamentaloctoieties.Argualy,hishalgeisediilsetgswhereetncdiscrimainisper,incedsrinationliescomratvelieresooitcarntegrtionforracializedex-combatants.Inthispaper,eexplrotntyandamedgroupffiliatininteracttohapeelctoralprospects.SpefcallyweinvestigathetherpartiintsnacnjointepermentCombiadscrminatebteenpoliticalcndisoEroaadAriandescentandwhetrpoliicansfdiffretethniidentitesaediffentllpnhedfortiestoarmedgrouWefidthapartciatsdisplaastronaersontoapliticawitharmedgouaffilitionandthatheydiscrineansA-Cmbaandids.emre,wdemontrtethtbiaesareadditivesthatCacaanAro-Combicanitesaeuallypunisedassociaingwithdgoups.Finayeprneousratffsolightfetdicrimnatonadesiontwardoerarmedrouaffil忠審對秩的忠誠(HoLoylTrhapeAliancePolitilOrder)irkoRl,洛桑學(xué)博究員RaviBhavnani日內(nèi)級國際關(guān)與發(fā)展學(xué)際關(guān)系教授摘要“忠審”在一系列沖突境很常見,后果包括騷、監(jiān)、酷刑死,家鎮(zhèn)壓、內(nèi)或叛亂治理的研,它們?yōu)橐环N普遍現(xiàn)象幾乎沒有受到關(guān)注,這些注的是當(dāng)局用審判們的特行為例如異、叛逃抵抗算模型德意志的勒斯坦領(lǐng)土數(shù)據(jù)關(guān)注合舉行“”的動(dòng)態(tài)——期望看和行為之相作用。本用我們的框來討在哪條件審判廣泛的叛逃如在(本文巴勒斯被占領(lǐng)土的研所示忠誠兩極分化以及過度或過度別治序威主社會(huì)和非民主社會(huì)都有顯著的影響?!驹摹俊皔alytriasamontoangefconcttgswionseqthrarharassmenttoimprisonment,torture,ordeath.thhavreeliifanyateioasagel
202年第1期(總第19期)103phenomenoninstuiesofstaterepressio,cvilwar,orebelgovenance,whichfocusonartculrbehaviorsthatauthoritiesuseoptpoltial,sucasdisstdefeioandristanceUscmationaldelddohermanDemraticicandheOccupiedPalestnianTerritwecondasofyttials”eltieninmycollabortostheiteractionbeteenexecatons,perepins,andh.Wueurfamwroexpciurwhihtrialsrsutwidereadfctn,asihrDmratiRepublic,ofrityasilustrayortudyoftccupedaetaeritores.Telrizinnatuefoyatytralsandthepropensitytoover-orunder-identfyretooticalorderaveotableiplicationfordeoraticandnon-emcraticsocietiealke.【編譯:涵】【責(zé)任編輯:李琬瑩】《系(uroeanJonalofInernaonalRelatons)EopeanJornalofntertioalReatiool30No.320241道位—人地位?探事中德非化間聯(lián)(ralstaus–hmastatu?nterotingtheonnectiobetwenmortyanddehuanstiodurmasviolene)TotenMihel,布斯托國際系高】從20世紀(jì)70代的早期研究,非人化逐漸成為理大規(guī)模發(fā)生基本力和的一個(gè)重要特征。長以來,一種廣為接受觀點(diǎn)德地位失人化中的構(gòu)成要素的道德范圍之道德壁,從而使得某些迫害形式人力規(guī)范本文以大殺這案例為,批判地質(zhì)疑迄今為將喪失《洲際關(guān)系雜志ErJofItrnallas)廣泛地表了已在的關(guān)自199年為國一個(gè)重要而獨(dú)立的聲以其歐洲起源為基礎(chǔ),經(jīng)過二十多年的發(fā)展,已國關(guān)界佳成,包括前論論當(dāng)代以的。
104道德地位等同于非人化這一不容置疑的觀點(diǎn)??傮w而言,本文主對非人化的規(guī)范性使用和分析性使用進(jìn)行更致的區(qū),需要對其經(jīng)驗(yàn)性表象和相性進(jìn)行更詳?shù)姆此迹ζ涓拍罨A(chǔ)進(jìn)行更為批判探討這樣做不僅能推動(dòng)非人化研究超越當(dāng)前的狀態(tài),還能使我們能夠更深入地評其在大規(guī)暴事件中用、義重要性?!驹摹緽eginnngitealytdsinhe1970,dumantohasbecoakyeureinttemptogrthefundamentalicditsndewhichmassctiesemreOnotmoding,romienandwieleedconctinsseestelossofmoralstatsasaeyconstiivcmpnnofprceseodeunai,sgtigelnfrothmoraluiersofoigtnbrownmrlbaenabformsfpereuinsidethesaledpcticesfviolnemnanommuntie.iherncetothearaditicaoftheHooas,tharticlecriticallyinterrogatesthissofarunueindeqatinofalosofmorastadingwithdehumanain.Ovell,itarguesforamuchmoreuaeddifferentitionbetwenrmtiveandayticalueofehumanisatinthenefrmoredeiledrefectionsoitmpiicalappearncesadevncedrecritclengenittsconcetalgrundnDingsowilleaddehumanionreseachbeyndicurrentstteanwuldalowfoatcateaesmentofitsusmeanidrlvaeincasesofmasviolee.2體不安全產(chǎn)生(linjustindtheproductiootolgnecurtyAdam.er,馬薩諸塞學(xué)厄爾分校政治學(xué)副教授【要】文提,新關(guān)注際體層面的不助于將究S)不公,別是多個(gè)上影響結(jié)構(gòu)邊緣化的政治為。本究將伊里斯-馬恩(IrsMarionYoung)的研究成,特別是她治和壓迫的理論引入本體安全研究,從而提出了這一論點(diǎn)。本的五論,為國際體系中普遍存的多國不要來削的穩(wěn)定性為求安,程超越單一分析層次,式家納本在治關(guān)的建供探體導(dǎo)安全研全為體體條hauhedfwdtienienlgseclrtocstudies(OSS)toipolitics,particularlyasitaffectsstrptctmileIngtkfIrntobearonOSS,particularlyhertheoryofjusticeastheeliminopenanug’“vfpesprsttmliticnmcttittoymsenrseodteritneosiralidaiinnhi
2025年第1期(總第19期)105underminigofdisadvantagedacors’ontologicasecurityseekingprctices.Oninternatonalscales,theseprocesstrasedlvelsfanalysis,afecngindiiulssocialgroups,anentesindifrinwaysIcorportigYog’sworkSnonlhelaalbridebetweteoftesrangudisciplineslatheoIualocnprovidschlasameansfbettetheorizinghowotologicalincuritiooftenarodctofntnioalsystemtethuoncludesbypongamatiturnOSS,wherobaljusicshuldbudrtoodaspeotonforonooicaleuyseekigmngulipeco-existingctr.型性指標(biāo)?別專家與技術(shù)官僚的和平(Transformativeindicators?Genderexpetisnechortcpe)LauracLeod,英國曼徹斯特大學(xué)國際政治學(xué)高級講【摘】在過十,使用指標(biāo)來國際和平建和和、政策與實(shí)踐的實(shí)施情況日益普。許多者評這些指標(biāo)有技術(shù)官僚化標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化及殖民化的效應(yīng)然,本文從不同的角度進(jìn)行探討:指來革嗎?當(dāng)評通常將其視為立、去情境化的僚具,忽了開、使用和顛覆指標(biāo)的人類主體的復(fù)。文將指標(biāo)定義為強(qiáng)力的別化知識產(chǎn)技術(shù),既可被制度行為體開使用,可被他顛。本文過度為體的訪談以及聯(lián)秘報(bào)告的分析,究了26個(gè)指標(biāo)一的過程,該指用衡聯(lián)合國婦、和與(WPS)程的施情況。研究的指標(biāo)追蹤了聯(lián)合維和特政治任中高級別家的數(shù)20年至2020年間,圍繞這一指標(biāo)的進(jìn)展、技能點(diǎn)示了聯(lián)合國提倡變革的女性主者所采取的策略和的機(jī)了WP議程的深入。盡標(biāo)有化自主規(guī)的險(xiǎn),忽視發(fā)、用或力無疑種自限制了現(xiàn)質(zhì)性的機(jī)會(huì)?!縄thlsdecade,thuseofintotralemnttiorntionabuidindpeacekeepngrorammes,ladrctieshprorted.torsrecriticisedymaschoafohnatsanarisedaonlitsfollowseininquiry.Canindicatorsberafoe?Contemporarycritiquesplaceindicatorsasbreaucratiefava,deachenddcntetalisedfmenancofhanagdevl,uisingadsungthem.neptualiseindicatrspwerfugeechnoloioknolecratidelopuadserbyinsttuoats.siginterviewwitititutionalactorsandUnitedNations)Secy-GeneaRprstaceistitutionalstoriesofonindica(outof26)developedtoaptureimplementatfUWenPeany(WPS)agenhncainsatedtrasnumberofeioreneexersemployediinUNPeacndSpeiasions.tesfrss,skllandationitereingothindirbwee20d020hhligtrateieeployedoporunietakeyiishanadcateswteUtopromtaemplentaheen.hinicorshoderielnorms,thefailthetlfptluiicao,mipprttiesfnroo
1064.探討聯(lián)合國維行動(dòng)對東道國對外事務(wù)的影響(EploringtheimpacofUnitedNationspacekeeingoperationsontheexternalffairsofhoststateRihrCaplan,牛津大學(xué)政治與國關(guān)系國際關(guān)系教授JnGldill,牛津?qū)W國際發(fā)展系全球治理副教Malineei,牛津大學(xué)治與國際關(guān)系博士后究【摘要】聯(lián)合UN)維和行動(dòng)(PK的通常很少關(guān)注東道國發(fā)展的一個(gè)重——對事本文聚焦冷戰(zhàn)后時(shí)期的合國維和行動(dòng),旨在探討聯(lián)合國維行如響東道國務(wù)。我過關(guān)定量內(nèi)分析,確定了合關(guān)東對事務(wù)體方面接著,本文提出一個(gè)概架,劃出維和行動(dòng)對東道國對外事務(wù)別具影響力的三領(lǐng)域:關(guān)系構(gòu)建、制度與外交能力建設(shè)以政制定。我們識別了維和行影東道國外務(wù)三條權(quán)色以外果。結(jié)合文件分析和原創(chuàng)訪文利個(gè)來大規(guī)模聯(lián)合國維和國家為例,闡釋了該概念框的應(yīng)用。原文SudiesofUtdNosUpekepingoperaio(PKOs)yicaygivecantatitoanimportaapctofotsates’dvepmn:heirexenalffairshisriclidenifiesaysnwhichUNPKOscanshapetheextenlfarfststtes,fousingonUNpeacekeepingintostClWarpriod.WepresentthefdingsofaquantiativeontntanalsisofkeyNacekeedocumentsoestabishwihapcsohsateexternalafahavbeocncertotheUN.WethenpovideaconptualfrawrkthatapsthreeareofetnaafairiPOsarepartcuarlifuetil:relaiosipbuig;iniutin-andloaticcaciy-bding;ndthshapifpolcyindomaisofexterlirWeidenfythepawaythroghPapthexalaffairsofhostssmanatedrole,provsionsanuinendeuenes.inodocuntaanaysisandogalinidt,ilustrateocofraeorkthroughaexatioofhmpppinothxernalaftwocountrshhavehostedlarge-sUldeaceegrecentdaesTmor-Leste(ETimrandLbia.5.方對中國國際礎(chǔ)設(shè)施融資替案何失?。╓htheet’atrnvetoCinasneralifstrueficingisailhahaamer,昆士蘭大學(xué)政治學(xué)與國際關(guān)系學(xué)院的國際政治學(xué)教授,澳大利亞研究理事會(huì)未研究員;Leones,倫瑪麗學(xué)關(guān)系教授摘隨著緣治,西方國家試圖中的“一路倡議(I)競爭。然而,設(shè)施的資動(dòng)員依然不,表西方挑戰(zhàn)國在此領(lǐng)域的主導(dǎo)地位。為什么會(huì)這樣?中國的比濟(jì)分析,本認(rèn)為,戰(zhàn)思的國家管者無正的力。國優(yōu)和勢根植于結(jié)構(gòu)性政治經(jīng)濟(jì)動(dòng)態(tài)。當(dāng)國家管者掌產(chǎn)生強(qiáng)有力的影響。這中國尤其明顯其議主要是過剩和資本過問題供間和間上節(jié)工具相當(dāng)?shù)刂伪ж?fù)與的利現(xiàn)脫節(jié),效果往乏可陳。這一點(diǎn)適用于美國,其特點(diǎn)是老化、工空心化導(dǎo)地位的金部礎(chǔ)設(shè)施基本感趣。盡管美國國家管理者已轉(zhuǎn)向加大對
2025年第期(總第19期)107內(nèi)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的投入,但在國際上,西方繼續(xù)采用的自由主義做法仍然依賴于員私人資本參與基設(shè)施投資這一已經(jīng)失敗的做法?!驹摹緼sgeopoliicalrivalryintensifie,WetentateshavemovedtocompetewhChina’sBelandRoadInitiatvRI).Howver,thmoiisationofunorglobainrructrermainltr,stihtWesternstatescnttestesedoaeoughcomparaioicaeonmaaysiofChinaandtheUnitedStates,weaguethatseriuscopetitioncnnotbwltobingytnrstgllyates’strengthsweaknessarootednsuupolitaecmynamic.Wherestatmaager’nsbetrexpress,thinteressowerfulocialforcesadthaianrodcieorcshyomn,apowerfulimpactresults.hisistrueofhna,hsBRIisprncialyaspatio-temporalfixforindutilovercapacityanover-ccumulatecapita.Conversey,heregepoliticlambitionsardredfompeulgroups’iterestsamtrareaiies,resultsarelcustre.isaplistotheUniteStascaractredbyinfrsucuraldec,indusrilollwgoutandaminanfincilsectolargldisitrsedininfrstutue.AlthoghUstamnagrsarturnigtowrscsedstatespnigondomestinfraruturintetioalhWestsconteolaapproacstireliothealred-failedachombilisingprivaepitainoratructinest6.成員國致消亡(Wenmembstatewithawlthedehofnternatioanons?)InnvonBski牛際關(guān)系學(xué)教Felyabu珀代學(xué)國際研究副教授【】來關(guān)各組IOs括成是否會(huì)影響國際組織的存。,員國退出何時(shí)會(huì)導(dǎo)致國際組對退出與國際組消亡之存在普遍關(guān)聯(lián)持懷疑態(tài)度,因?yàn)橥ǔ€(gè)成國并非國際生存鍵外,由個(gè)別成員的好與他成,這些留存成員可退聯(lián)合一起,而確保甚延長國際組的。即使是多個(gè)家的,也未必致,為一較小的團(tuán)體能更易克服集體行。然,重要成員的退出可會(huì)因、市影響指導(dǎo)的組織的存續(xù)。我們模型,對1909至2014/20年期間32個(gè)國退據(jù)進(jìn)測試并通過案例析說結(jié)果支持我們的觀點(diǎn):退出總體上并導(dǎo)際組織的消亡創(chuàng)始成員可能加速消。是經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)較的國家退出乎有助于國際組織的存續(xù)(常通/或重新加入現(xiàn))。些發(fā)現(xiàn)有更地理周期,以及國際作韌性和脆性?!驹腞eresearchasanatentiontostates’bcklashisinioaorganizaios(IO),indwethermerstwithraalsaffctheIOsthereforeaswhendoemstatehaedefO?ioaabwrwlaheegorarthvlonO,thdvynbrspfsdegfmrmbheremainingstas
108bndtogtherafterwithdrawal,ensurinorevenenancingthelogevityoftheIO.EvenwithdrawabyseveralstatesmayotcntibutetoIOdeathbecauseaallergrouporemainingmemersaybeerovrcomcllectiveacinhallenges.oetheles,exiyaniantmmbermayvvalbyremovnrercesmarkete,anuthesrnusingsuvamdelsonanorignaldtasetofithdrawalsacross532IOsfrom10to04/220ilusratethenithcvignetrsporarguts:withdrawagaldonotldoOdebtethdrwalofdgmemerscanspedIdat.nterstngly,withdrwalbyeconomicallyoerfulstatessmsaciiateIOuvvaloftenthroughreformand/orre-enty).hsefindnscotiutetobetterunderstandingofthelifecycleoIOsaswelastothresilienceandvulralitesofinternationalcoorion.【編譯:束任】【責(zé)任編輯李琬】uropeaJournaoIternationlReati,Vol.0N.40241.危機(jī)的本:歐洲盟洲托金Capitalizigonacrisis:thErpeaUniorustFuforAfric)DarsaVigneswarn阿姆斯特丹大學(xué)政治系副教【摘外交策與跨國項(xiàng)如何得不易受批評?文通探討共金對移與目正當(dāng)化過程,旨在深地理政策合化機(jī)制盡于此項(xiàng)目效的疑廣泛存在,近年來各國政在移民發(fā)展域持續(xù)增加。本焦于歐洲聯(lián)盟緊急信托基金F)。盡管EUTF未能解決205–206年地移“危機(jī)”的“”上取得顯著成效,但其依然被歐盟機(jī)構(gòu)為次們借鑒迪厄的“資本轉(zhuǎn)換概念,提EUTF之所合法化為一項(xiàng)有價(jià)值的是因官家通過將力資源轉(zhuǎn)化為另形式的資完了轉(zhuǎn)換”工作?;谖募治雠c25次談,本文梳理了ETF員如何實(shí)資本換首,通動(dòng)員資,為非移取經(jīng)部濟(jì)持久的象征本,從而與發(fā)項(xiàng)提正之,轉(zhuǎn)化為合法。本認(rèn),這種轉(zhuǎn)換作解移資續(xù)支撐機(jī)制。這一過程不僅及資分,還持續(xù)的努將這有政價(jià)值doforeignpoliciesndranatrsbecomeesiiarticlesetoetterundrthelegitimationofolicesbysttheworkininjuyingubcundingomigratnanvelopmentinitiatives.erntexpendituresomgrationandvomthveeenicreasingincentye,desitewilysharedconcesregaringtemefsucinititiInsatle,wefcuuratentionontheEuropeaUionEerencyTrustFundrAr(UTF).ThTF
2025年第1期(總第9期)109hasbeenassessedbyEagenciesasasccessfulintervention,whileneverhidingitsinabiliytoacieedemonstrableprogresstowardtsgoalsofadressingterootcses”othe201–06migratio“cisi”intheMiterrane.erguethattisuwlegiimizedasavalublepiyinterviothroghosopeanoficlaonitorigandvauatioexprtsto,borrowingfromBourdeu,“convetcapital”:rnslaoneformpwrucothermsocnayid5keyformantinterie,wetrawTFfiilssucesulycnveredaitalyirst,mbizingplicalresourcestogeerateconmiccapitalformigration-raterjectsnrica;ndsecondtrnsfringsoeofthiseconomiccapitalintooreatinsymbolcaitalhijutifieslong-termmigrationanddevelopmentinities.Inhrmoneybecomesegitimac.Wearguethatthis“cnveronwk”epustbteruderstandteontinuedgrowhandupholdingomgaandevomntinancihihonsistsnotonlyofrawftalsoinvoveontinuouseffotolegitimizeseependiuesasnherenlyvalubpolcyintevtios.2生態(tài)危機(jī)代的不定:種奈特視下對來界方法(UetaintitimesofecolocalcrisiaKnightiantaleoffaefurseofldyinMaechler洛桑大學(xué)政博,渥太華大訪問學(xué)者Jeanhrisphez,所全球化治研究中心聯(lián)合創(chuàng)人洛會(huì)的研、學(xué)與博士研副院長【摘在機(jī)時(shí),我面對不確定性?國際關(guān)領(lǐng)域的討論往往難以危機(jī)的不確定轉(zhuǎn)化為策行借鑒弗特的分析,本文出,行為體在機(jī)取的策與行動(dòng)根依于信息的獲取解與評估過此形成可的,從未來球生態(tài)機(jī)政實(shí)闡了國行為如何機(jī)期將不性轉(zhuǎn)化決策與動(dòng)三種截然不同的方法聯(lián)合國機(jī)構(gòu)、財(cái)務(wù)會(huì)計(jì)準(zhǔn)則定者及中央銀?!綡owdowefaceunceraintyitiefcrisis?DebatesnIternionalationsoftenstruggtodisentangletheprocesesinvovenurnoarisisntodecisionsandactiDrawigonnalsisoankKightearguetdecisisantionstakenbyinteratacornifcrisisaeunrpinnythewthatinrmtionsacessediterpreedandealuatedinordetolmrelialshapingfuturestatesfthed.WeilourgenwithgllplitslrisisandtreecontraingmethusinrnaionactcneifhnesoaineNisaccountingstandard-setcnr3.地基:nfrastructureingeopoliticalconflictshaarnwrcaA賓大所士師
110【摘要】營基礎(chǔ)施在地緣政治沖突的演變中發(fā)揮著關(guān)鍵作用。盡管學(xué)術(shù)界普遍支持一觀點(diǎn),但企業(yè)更多被視為家行動(dòng)的助推者或阻礙者,而非獨(dú)立的行為主體。本文構(gòu)建了一個(gè)理論框架,討國家與跨國司在全球激烈競爭背景下的系,并結(jié)合政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)視角,分析跨國基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的私有產(chǎn)權(quán)何重新塑造這一關(guān)系。本文指出,私營業(yè)開發(fā)營基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的主要目的是追求潤,但這一逐邏可能受到政治結(jié)果偏好的修和影響文章以美國公SpeX運(yùn)營的全球最大衛(wèi)星星“星鏈”(Starlnk例,析其在俄羅斯入侵烏克。究了SpaceX最決定烏克啟用星鏈的背景及后續(xù)通過戰(zhàn)略限制克蘭收復(fù)被力的過程。研果,決策受機(jī)和動(dòng)機(jī)的重驅(qū)于解與系具有重意。Space將烏克蘭視為從美國獲取資金和合同的契,同時(shí)試圖安撫其依賴的其國家,尤其是中國。此外,研究進(jìn)步表明,當(dāng)其對沖手段效時(shí),家會(huì)尋求減對私營礎(chǔ)施的依。例,中盟擇設(shè)星,而國則過其經(jīng)濟(jì)影力p?!縤tlyownedfrastrcrspactlrolentnfldngofeoplcofctsWhlaademicontribtisgnralyppothsargment,usinessesaremostltreaesnbesrspoiersfttecionaterhnactorsinheirownright.Thisarticleevelopsaheoreticalframwrrudtherelationshipofstateandtransnationalcorporationsitimesfinteseglobalcompetitio,cminngiwithaoitical–onomersecvnhowpivateownshipoftransionalinfrastructureshiftthirlationship.targesthatpieusiessedveodoerteinfrstucusforprot-kingpurpse,buttatthislogicabemenedprefreceforpolticloutcme.ThtcendetaesaaalysoheoleofSrli,eworld’slagesaelleconstellatnoedyUS-asdmSpaceientfowRussiainakraiItrecontructsSpX’sniilseabltarlinkinUkraineanditsensuingstraterajutmentthatlimitedUkisbilitetetakeRssian-occpidareas.Thfidsutleanceofbohfit-sekigandpilotiefininsieses’decisin-aknwithsubstantiatnfemprarystate–businerelations.SpacewedtewainUrairtsecurecapitalandcntras,gelyfromteUnitedStates;atheseime,tsouhtoappasthestatnwhtdnds,mostcerallhina.ThefingsfurtemdemonstraethttatewileektoreestablishindendencefromprivatenfrastruurewhreothformsohegingflheChinaandthuropeninoptedtuldeiownsatellieonllatonsheUitedtatredonitsconomicultenreSpac’coop經(jīng)“神圣三位一體”如何適應(yīng)國家資本主義(arcorsion:hotheunhotinity’ofgleconomicvcstatecapitalismlla,劍橋大學(xué)研究中國際研究的展治經(jīng)理教授akggrt爾法斯特王大學(xué)國政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)師【摘要】在國家作推動(dòng)者和所用的世界中,新自由主義全球經(jīng)濟(jì)治理在多生轉(zhuǎn)型這轉(zhuǎn)型是否預(yù)示一種轉(zhuǎn)變?答這問題,本文聚于和投資體系,分析際貨幣基界銀行(WorldBank)
202年第1(總第19期)111和世界貿(mào)易組織(WTO)這大全球治理核心機(jī)構(gòu)——即非神圣三位一體”——發(fā)布的最新政策文件。我們的分析揭示了這些組織部及相互之間對家干預(yù)主義日益增長的接受程度。管這種適應(yīng)具有重要意義,但我們認(rèn)為,這僅構(gòu)成一種有限轉(zhuǎn)型。我們觀察到,這些機(jī)構(gòu)試圖將新興家干預(yù)實(shí)踐及國有實(shí)體納入現(xiàn)有治理架對其進(jìn)行規(guī)范、約束和控制本文進(jìn)一出這并不代表西方主導(dǎo)的全球經(jīng)治體系正在向后新自由主化型,而是一防御的變異新自由主義”,在將政業(yè)導(dǎo)向國家其心體之。【原文Twhextentolberalcgoenancetanoiworlwheetteslaygeatrrolsaspromoters,spervisorsanownersofcpital?DotestrfansgnaloetlpardigmiTstsequestn,wfocusnglobalfiancialorceanheadeadivstmnegim.analysrecentplicoentsfomtheF,WorldBankandWO–theUnholyrinityfnolierallobalovernaneuanalysisrevealsarowingaceptanceofstateinterventionismwihinandacrostheseorgaizations.Althoughthisaccommodationissnifin,werguethatitconstitutesalimietansformatn.Weobervettepstcrateergingstaiteentonstpacticsandstate-ownedentitieintoetablishedgvernancearrangemsinorderodscin,crtiandcontoltemWarguthattidoesotsignifyashftwdpstnelerlpluralwithnWten-omntedoleconogovece,buteadeesie,‘utinlierlim’wchekstoiorratdeolciedacommeiayorientstaeneintoitsmnfame退……套利:代跨國政治邏輯c,ei.btathpliticsoftmomultinationalfir)RonenPala,倫敦城政治經(jīng)濟(jì)授【摘要】跨國公司(NC通視為一組織,母公司制分布他。然,這種視角只是對集團(tuán)描述,實(shí)際跨國司是由多司法轄區(qū)內(nèi)彼獨(dú)立法通過股權(quán)聯(lián)系合而的構(gòu)。本文出,盡管種濟(jì)學(xué)家關(guān)面它無揭示國公制及政治環(huán)境之間相要制。本文認(rèn)為,這種簡化的出關(guān)跨國公司權(quán)關(guān)鍵問。具體而言,盡管政治學(xué)者和國際政治經(jīng)濟(jì)些公用表達(dá)管變的立(時(shí)實(shí)施退出威脅,但他們忽跨集團(tuán)更好第三種方式:通第三國設(shè)立子公司,套不同國家間規(guī)?!驹縈ultinationalcorprtonMNCaeoftenseenasinguorgniationswitaparencompanyontgbrhesinotcountre.ButhisanabridgedvronodecentredcorporatgroupssrucurdscuersosparegalntitsnserictiseogherbyequtiesThrcargstatwhiterdgedversionomahesthoseasptofthoeorgnzatiotareofnteetoecoostfalsocaureteprincipalmanoteonbeebusinessandtheinstiuandoiclevonment.aethtteabridgedversionisbrrprvpolsientitsroasieuabouthpwerofNCsndteirarholders.ecial,whileiialsietittnacnseitr
112cnsideralefinancialresoucestovoicetheirviesonunwantedregulatorychange,tothreatenexitorifalllsefails,tocarrythroughwitthethreat,theignoeathiraprochfavouredbycporaegrups,settinguubidiarisintirdconriestobtrrles.敵與核全安保技術(shù)的轉(zhuǎn)讓(Keeponemifr:teicaerionandanrrngclaendsecritytechologies)JeffreyDing,喬治華盛頓大學(xué)政治學(xué)助理授【要】即使冷戰(zhàn)期間,美國與蘇聯(lián)也在安全安保領(lǐng)展開。由何地方生的事故未授權(quán)引脅全,經(jīng)驗(yàn)豐富國全方的然而,歷史記錄顯示雜性。那么何在?現(xiàn)有的要在術(shù)轉(zhuǎn)讓國所臨的政治本和擴(kuò)散險(xiǎn)上本文認(rèn)為,的特征會(huì)響援助的可性。于更復(fù)雜核安全與安保技術(shù)而言,穩(wěn)固的技合對于建立必的信任關(guān)重,這科學(xué)家才在泄露敏感信息的前提傳授隱性知識。本文過高層訪談和檔案證據(jù)提出了這一理論,并通過四個(gè)案例進(jìn)行證美向聯(lián)享基本安與安保技術(shù)961–1963);國拒絕向中國(1990–1999)和巴基斯坦(998–203)提供復(fù)雜核安全與安保技術(shù)及美國向俄斯享雜安全與安保技術(shù)(19942007)。研究結(jié)果表明,分析核技術(shù)援助不僅要關(guān)注背后的動(dòng)機(jī),還需察具實(shí)施過程及相關(guān)技術(shù)特征這于解家何通過合作來管理新興技術(shù)帶來的全球風(fēng)險(xiǎn)具有要啟?!驹縀vedurintholdWartheidSttesaheSvietUnioncoerateonulrsafetyadscurity.Sneacdentalorunauthoriznucladtoaionsaywhtratepaceerywhreiseemghfwdthatstatsmoreexpeecedideveopngnucaafeyandsecurtytecnogiswoldanfsuchmetodstohests.YethehitoialrecordismiedWhy?hieexiglantinfcsepoitalstsanproiferaionriksfacedbyttansengstate,thsarticgthpeifihnoogialeaoditioeibiliastaneFomrecomplelearsafetyandsecuitytechnologies,robsttecaoopationiscrlbldcessarytrsientistsfcikwldewidsiteiomaiLvagnewndarevidence,mytheryissdourcasudieUSharinfbasicnucleasaandscuritecologwithUnon(1–1963);USithodingoomnuclearsafetyadecuitytechnologiesfromCh(1990199)andPistan99–03);andUSsharingofmlexclearsayansecologihia(007).Myindssuggesttheneedtoexaminenotonytmoivaioehindlarasstbuohprosbychtccursandtheeaurfthetecnoesinolveditimpliciosohowsatescooeatetoaaheglobarisksofemergngtechnologies..術(shù)(去法化(Technocracy,poplisanth(deegiimionfinternationloganzionseoutvandeee,拉堡學(xué)政治學(xué)系的國關(guān)系助理
2025年第1期總第9期)113GustavMeibauer,拉德堡大學(xué)治學(xué)系的國際關(guān)系助理教授【摘要】我們對自由國際秩序爭議的理依賴于一種直觀的二元論。技術(shù)官僚規(guī)范支撐著國際組織(IOs)合法性,因?yàn)閲H組織體現(xiàn)了一種基于專業(yè)知識和非多數(shù)主義的功能、去政治化問題解決模式。而民粹主義規(guī)范則挑戰(zhàn)際組織的權(quán),認(rèn)國際組織“真正的人民”的民成了約束。本利用一項(xiàng)前所未有的精化數(shù)據(jù)庫,對各國政針對國際組織的)合法化行進(jìn)行實(shí)證研究驗(yàn)二元論否適參去)合法化技術(shù)官僚或民粹主義傾向的政(合法化過程中述的更為動(dòng)態(tài)且多,)合法,表際組權(quán)的挑戰(zhàn)與維多是出策略邏輯非識態(tài)。本文的發(fā)現(xiàn)對國際自由秩序、技術(shù)僚主義與民粹相關(guān)文獻(xiàn)具有重要啟示意義?!驹摹縊urunderstandingofthecnesnoieralneationaorelaus.Techoraticormsundepthelgitiationoenatnaloganizat(Is)cusIOsembdyafunctionladeoliiciedmoefprolem-solvingbsednxpertisenon-majortarianismouitormsalegeIOauthrityasIOscreaeconstraintsonthepopularwillofthe“treeople”WeempiricalminewhethethsdualityextendstothectosengaiginIO(de)legitimationbyleveagganoveladunrdentedlyfin-aiddatabasoIO(d)legitimationnanalgvrnmentsWfindtat(e)legtimatonpatenogvernmentswithtechcatioppulisttenciesarermoredynaicaddiversethaadualstcacontsuggst.Inpatcu,wefindcomexpaternof(de)egtiionthatsugestchalentoanddefeseofIOauthrtyaredivenmoebystrt,asoposdanideolgagicWetliimlitinfortheliterturnthinetiallbloderthnra,adpopis正式性如何維多邊主義:非正式歐盟外交策談判的用owinformaykesultilaaligogeformalgrpingsinEUforignpolicegoion)Maannavao,布魯塞院安全、外交與略中博究摘要】國家集團(tuán)—無作為獨(dú)實(shí)體還作為正式際組織(s)的一部分—在維邊義和全球治理中正發(fā)揮著越來越重要用。那么,這些非正集團(tuán)“非式性竟為使其際合中至關(guān)要且日益的機(jī)制回答這一問題本聚焦非正式集團(tuán)在歐EU)用。在非正集為協(xié)調(diào)、信息、學(xué)和共識構(gòu)建提供了關(guān)臺集正式?jīng)Q策過順利運(yùn)作至重要,多邊外交成要。文(一位于之外,一歐盟)的案例進(jìn)行提出并驗(yàn)證了上述論點(diǎn)。研方法包括文件及對國家外交官的高層訪談。首先本文分析七團(tuán)(7)聯(lián)小組在01對俄裁的作用;其次,評估了PESCO四集團(tuán)(PESCO)立“永久結(jié)構(gòu)性合作”(ESCO制中的作。這個(gè)案例示,非正式集團(tuán)調(diào)信息共享、學(xué)和共建提重平臺并維了27員間的多談判通過深正式團(tuán)在正式國際組中的作示了非式性多邊及正式多邊機(jī)構(gòu)之間的動(dòng)態(tài)關(guān)系,理解非式機(jī)制如何支撐全理提供了洞
11【原】Informlgroupingsofstaes–eitherasstand-aloneentiiesoraspartofformalintenationalorganizations(IOs)–aeplayinganincreasinglyimptantroleisustainigmultilateralimandglobalgovrnance.Butwatisitaboutteimateofthsupingstmakssuchacriticalandglypopufitureiennlerat?ToansethisesioepperfocusesontheroleofinformalrupinsinEuropeani(E)frinpocyeottins.WUiformlpdvenueocoordinatio,infotionsaglearnngnonsess-blding.arettesegroupinsreciticalforeunctioingotefomalecision-makingrces,rvidngecessarybuildinglcksoucesfultilateraldiplomacy.Theproposedargumentisexploredinthecasefwoittinstancesofnformalgrupings,oneextra-andoneintra-Egrouping,bymeansfdoumetanalysisandelitinterviewswthnaionaldiplomas.FirtpapeexanesleotheGcntactgoupntfrmulationoteRssiansnctionsbcki214.Second,itassesterleofthePESCO4idiigtheestalihmentofthePernntStrutueCoraio(PES)Inbothinstncs,infomlgroupngproviediprntvenueforoorintinaswellasinformaio-sharn,leringansesilin,whiintur,enableansutamiltealneottionsamong27memsttCrtillngaggihthrlofinformgruinfoalIhepershelionhemcelatonipbetweeninormalityaniltism,onthonehndandformalmulilateralinsttuhetr..“際部了100棵果樹土地、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)力(10larftreesutonby’:land,ifrastructundmitavoleoannTdy,謝大學(xué)政治與國際關(guān)系講師摘要】本文與基施中的軍事陸60代加拿大不列顛哥倫比亞省以及2001年后入侵阿富汗赫爾德省的國殖義軍事設(shè)務(wù)于資本主義發(fā)展的目標(biāo)。文程兵團(tuán)在不列顛哥倫比亞省建立移民民地與推的活以及赫爾曼德省推廣自由主義社會(huì)政治經(jīng)濟(jì)規(guī)范的角色,軍事為諸如伐樹木、頒發(fā)私人土地產(chǎn)權(quán)、將表層用于路填,或止當(dāng)?shù)剞r(nóng)民在公附植高作物動(dòng)。本的核點(diǎn)是我們應(yīng)當(dāng)將類事活動(dòng)概念化并理解為一種暴力。這一分析學(xué)界對暴,特別是在殖民性自主定殖民主義以及土地、領(lǐng)土與基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施等相關(guān)研究域的探了對軍事暴直接,本論對于理解基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、土地與暴之關(guān)系互理原rlaesacsfehicsafhsRfn80ishColumbiaandHelmand,Afghanis-natssldbacmtfuiisoiorniebetweentheRoyalEngineers’activitiesesihtyilcisnthahrpblceo
2025年1期(總第期)115Helmand,hearticleputsforwardanaccontofwhy,howandwithwhateffetmilitaryviolencecanincluethingssuchasthefellngofres,theissuingofpriatelandtitle,theuseoftopsoilorroadorrobiigocafarmersromgrowingtcronraday.Thecargumenofthistiahuptualisanetanmiltryatiitischstheasviolenc.isanalysisdevelopsunderstandingfvolenewihnscholaipaesiglnltyliberweli;andnd,trritoryaninfratrucue.Beyondidiateanlyioeaymilitryvlence,thisdiscussionhabrerimlicationforunestandingtheneufinfrasructureadiene0.超越權(quán)威:通過實(shí)踐理移民與庇護(hù)問(Beyondauhority:governingmigrationandasylumthroughpracticeonhroud)NeleKortendk法蘭克福歌大博士后研究員,歐洲大學(xué)學(xué)院馬克思·韋伯研究員【摘要】國際組織(IOs)如何理國挑戰(zhàn)?大多數(shù)理論認(rèn)為,國際織過行使權(quán)威來進(jìn)治理。然而,些聚權(quán)的理論往視了事實(shí)治理的情形。特是在新興爭議的和危機(jī)的議題域,權(quán)威往往尚確立或已動(dòng)搖國際組織這些領(lǐng)域依然發(fā)揮治理作用例如移與庇政策領(lǐng)域,其點(diǎn)是制度與策上的缺口。然,在15至216年歐洲邊境機(jī)間,國組織仍然理了大規(guī)模的混合人口流動(dòng)。通過組織現(xiàn)場的集體行動(dòng),國組接對流動(dòng)人口(即際政的受)產(chǎn)了范影響,而且將混移民界定一個(gè)性政策議題。本文借鑒踐理論,結(jié)合對希臘歐界的地調(diào),著分析國際組在制度門檻下運(yùn)的治模式。我提出了種低限的治理概念,將關(guān)注點(diǎn)權(quán)來源轉(zhuǎn)向治理果,以釋形式。這一新概化使我能夠研究國組織超越有權(quán)的情下何在體的理場中進(jìn)治理?!驹腍owdoineratonlorgnaons(Is)gotratonlcleges?ottoriesantinthatOsexercauhoytogovrWhtheseauhrtyouedcountndtooverlo,howeeraransfdefacogvernan.ecialyineer,coneedandcrs-renssureas,aortennobeeablisedorbecoeunsetled.Yet,oerheto.TakeexaigatdaupolcyfieldrzbystitonpolicygaDurigtecratEopesbrderin5–216,Osgverxedmvementsnonethelesoughorganilecctiononthgrund,tnotonrtedrectregultemactsntelivesofpeoponhmv(heialaddresseesofneratilpoticstaoefinedwhatmixedmigrosglobalpoiyconrn.rawonpracticehoryfieldrkheEuropeanextnalbordenGeecetotettgoerninmdthopeaaverlwinttuiohd.Iroailccofoveranhshfsatteiorouthitsrceoveefectocountforsuchgvisre-coetuoesthestuofhoOgoverntehesishedauthority,inconteogplaces,pole.【譯:束任翔】【責(zé)任編輯:李琬
6《國際研究評論》(RviewofInternatioalStudies)ReviewofInternationlStudies,Vol.50,No.5Septembr20241.適應(yīng)“核托邦”:核武器禁止條約與全球南方國家的發(fā)展利(AccommodatingNutopi:ThenclarbantreatyandthedevelopmentalinterestsofGlobaSouhcontie)ndrewutt,萊斯特大學(xué)國關(guān)授lamideamuel,二軌外、非洲核能會(huì)(AFE)特使【摘要】本研究認(rèn)為,和目開發(fā)核能利,是促成《武》)過鍵。盡管部分西國家政組織禁止所核術(shù)應(yīng)用,但是這一立場對部分支持軍全球南方家及不結(jié)盟動(dòng)的成員國而言是無法接受的。若沒有全球南方國家的支持,TPN將無法獲得通過所需署國量。因此者認(rèn)為,真正理解PW,必關(guān)利益和機(jī)而不是僅國軍展慢普滿。筆者研重家的視角以及“核托邦”(Nutopi)的概——核武器潛的烏托和核能烏托邦可能性的重以理解在核治。然全球家的角被忽,因此,西方文獻(xiàn)對前核軍控與軍體系的理解然是片面的?!疚腡isrticlerguehattheTratyothePohibitionoNcerWapons(PNWwuldnothvebenpsilewithoutproetingtheinalienablerightsofstatestopursuenuclearenergyfrpeaceupuroe.WhiesomeesternstatendNGOshavepushedtobanallapplicationsofnuletechnology,thiswsunaccepabltoalagenumberdisaament-supportingstatefomthelobaSoutantheN-AignedMovent.WitutsuporfromstatesacrosstheGlbalSouth,theTPWwoldnohavachivdthrequednuberofsinatoriestobeapte.ThswearuethttoproplyundertandtheTPW,anapreiatofstate’interesandmotivainsbeyondtheirmoeidlydiscussdfrtaonsithtepaeofnueadisarmenisessentalWealsoarguehatnuerweapsscholashpustaymoreattontoprspecivsfromtheGlbaSouhahconcepoNutpia–ablibothe《國際研究評論》(evfteialStdi)劍大學(xué)社代會(huì)版且評審學(xué)術(shù),為BritshJournlInterntonatudis197-180)。該期致力于反全球政治的性質(zhì)變新興的在為會(huì)搭建一個(gè)可供辯平用緊議題過去五為.6。
2025年第1期(總第19期)117dystpianpotentialofnuclearweaponsandtheutopianpossibilitisofnuclearenergy–initsnderstandingofnucearpliticspastandpresent.GlobalSouthperspectivsaeoteverloked,ndasch,currenegimsoaramscontrsaetonlprtiallyunderstoodieternrature..性別的氣資源沖突聯(lián)“維持和平程SusainigedeNaturalresourcemanagement,conflitprvento,atheUNutaieeagendatiatectpCtR根大學(xué)國際關(guān)研究中心教aríaatínAlmagro,學(xué)沖與究系教授【摘候變及對際與全成的在暴力已促使聯(lián)合(UN)調(diào)整其“維”的戰(zhàn)略其中一標(biāo)性舉是“聯(lián)合國女、自然資源、氣與和平聯(lián)合計(jì)劃文用女主義和平研究的視角,審視近年來和平研究境和平建設(shè)域關(guān)于誰建和平以及“和平在何處構(gòu)建的辯論,在將“尺度”(scale)和地方自然資源管理視為性別中立概念時(shí)所忽視的問,并以此反思更泛聯(lián)國平設(shè)程。本文提出主張:第一別權(quán)力關(guān)過利用女性實(shí)現(xiàn)和平與性別平等的雙贏機(jī)會(huì),重新構(gòu)建了一個(gè)女性化、獨(dú)立的概念二,這種做法使得重塑據(jù)位的政治序和濟(jì)秩序?yàn)榭赡?,偏于預(yù),而后者則迫使地方經(jīng)濟(jì)適應(yīng)自然資源管理策略;第三,定構(gòu)建和平的“體”和“場所”是地方性的,將會(huì)使得們難以入思考暴力可性件如何越不同的層級?!驹摹緾matchangeadisptntilyviolentcnequncsfoinerationalpeacadscuityvetransfomedteUitedNtins(UN)approachtoSustinnPa.OneofthemblematicinitativeofthisnewaproistheNJointPramefoWme,talResourcClimateandPeae.WusfemnipeaceolarsitoconsihthereentdeaeabuwhobuildpecewhepeacesbiltinPeceStudiaEinmentalebuilingmishentheyreatonesof‘scal’nocalnaurreoueangemetasenderneandwhathismghtwierUNPeacbilggediwhicistuated.Wemathlims.Firstwrrsrnrerie)producisf-.ethiorderthatprivilegeirtnntocohtpwrlal’economitutst.uhtamtethfuleehkuthowthecondipiltfvlreds多以構(gòu)命的Tulcms:TeCispveveiev康涅格大學(xué)政治學(xué)系副授a,狄系士
118【摘要】本文探討進(jìn)一步深化不平等與綜合發(fā)展(UCD)理論與葛蘭西“消極革命”(passiverevolution)概念之間的理論聯(lián)系近年來,國際關(guān)系領(lǐng)域?qū)CD理論用于構(gòu)建“國際”社會(huì)論,而“消極革命”則描述了一種自而下的革命與國形成的微觀過程,通過變革社會(huì)基礎(chǔ)以維系統(tǒng)治階級的權(quán)力。本文旨在(1)動(dòng)區(qū)分“社會(huì)多樣性“(地緣)治”多,D理論的跨科應(yīng)用,同時(shí)戰(zhàn)為系主范;)說明UCD理塑造極的關(guān)鍵作用(3)證UC理論在揭示消極命空間維度方“階級”續(xù)需本社系的擴(kuò)張。此,將內(nèi)一因一家內(nèi)部種社會(huì)形態(tài)存而跨社會(huì)案例進(jìn)行分析論證北在利后廢奴隸制,并試圖將南方重新納入單一主權(quán)政體的嘗試,是消極革命的重要體原文】hisartceexameanfueotherlotnadcmbinddeveopmen(UCD)rceytakenyrnatlRlas(I)shasofurnishasocialtheytheiterntional’andtheGramcianoceptofasierevolution’,whichreersomolecularrocesoftop-downrevoutionandstateformationthatpreservesruling-classpowebyasfmigtssocialbaeothisendthepaper:(1)advancesarodedistinctibetweesocieal’ad‘ge)political’multiplicity,increaigthetransdiciplinrypoentalofUCDandchallengingominntsatecnricaproachestIR;(demnstraethaUDicnraltoceatingthconditiorpasiverevolution;and,()agetatUCDillintethedistncspatalimesinsopsverevoutonforwhichtheuccesinofclasses’intimerequiretheepasionofcapitalstsocilrlaisinspace.ToiusraeheseclamsharticeeorteshothericanCiviWarisbeunersoosaniesocietconfcteacrbaebthecoencetwosoimaonswihiasingtte,leadingtowar.Ittenshowshow,uponry,heNrth’siooelavdlaouandheuquentatpte-ssmetheutithasinglesovreignpolitycadicaiseasvevolu.4.危的過剩:向增長國際關(guān)系究Daiagesabuanewardpost-growhIrntonReonacobseba哥本根商tane,爾大學(xué)博士后研究員摘】盡管際關(guān)界日益意識到環(huán)境惡化及其發(fā)生態(tài)公問題的鮮探濟(jì)增長作為全球不可持續(xù)性根本色增長,對國際關(guān)系領(lǐng)域的研第一,數(shù)際關(guān)理論默認(rèn)將經(jīng)濟(jì)視全秩基;國關(guān)系學(xué)未予夠的重視國濟(jì)出質(zhì)時(shí),會(huì)產(chǎn)怎樣的影治如挑并豐富國關(guān)環(huán)境政本次編(orumTwposgIR)匯集全地的者,共探討以上??傮w而言,本次論壇解前文的“共”和“視”問題。論壇的篇文章不程度關(guān)系后長兩個(gè)究如何相汲啟示在本文的引言部分,我們通過回顧相關(guān)跨學(xué)本次論壇七文主貢獻(xiàn),這學(xué)科間互動(dòng)奠定
2025年第1期(總第19期119【原文】EventhoughInternationalRelations(IR)researchncreasinglyrecognisestheunpecedentedurgencyofenvionmentadegradationandtheresultingecologicainjusties,nlyfewIRscholrshvepbediothereofecoowtaafunmetadriverolobastainability.WeleveltwocritiueshfdoIRfrom-oheieirt,moRoriesaecompiciinnatuliingeconomicgrowthasafunantalcditionblorer.ecocholrshianltetongausirowtthnkingWhahppeswearttoesiontheakgrudoicstnsothecurrentinternationalsstem?owmtalbalpoliticsofpst-growthchllengeandenrihIRnnironmentalpolitics?hisdtrsFoumbrngstogetheradiversegroupofscholarsfromacrossthelobetoreflecntheseertnentqesions.ahole,teForumbeginstoaddressthecompliiyaeectcritqu.Tovangdgres,eachontributionconsiderwhtIRcanlearnfrompostgrothrsearch(bothcceptullyanemiricaly,andvcvra.Itsitroductoryaticle,wstthesteforscaegagemntyreviewinganitedisnrybodyofelevanworkandsnthsiinthekeycontibtinfromattofseenFruartices5.全景的增長理一項(xiàng)比較分析Pot-rowthheorisinagloblworlAcompaatvanalsi)LoenoFioraonti薩里大可發(fā)展研究長、授?!疽蜻M(jìn)程、國際級多數(shù)際發(fā)展策都基于經(jīng)增長一理,而這念正臨越來越多的社會(huì)生挑。全球經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(以GDP為指)是和自然資過用的主要驅(qū)動(dòng)力之,同時(shí)對地態(tài)平衡在的破威脅。因此近年來出現(xiàn)了種后增長理論本文通過對三增長派追其起源、演變及其全球策的影響。同時(shí),本文探了些流分歧和識以動(dòng)關(guān)于如越統(tǒng)的增長導(dǎo)向策國presofglbaliothegloalpeorer,amostinteaionaldeelopmenpoesareanchoredoteptofeconicrowth,whisattheaimnceasyuetioneoadeloilground.Increaseinlobaloutput)inamogthdrsofnaturalesourcesoveruewithivcsqufotlecoobancesnglifeonhpt.Aaosanumberwthrsanroaceeeredoverteaeas.harcarisoaompriveanalothainpost-gowthscoosotughtiordertotrbacktheirorign,evlutn,cyimacttthegbalvel.Itlsoinvetatthemainpointsotsiandsyoadvacblnogtepisitrtn.建gpcig)hin,島會(huì)學(xué)系教
120【摘要】經(jīng)濟(jì)被視為國際和平建設(shè)的一大支柱。聯(lián)合國維和行動(dòng)的使命往往包括促進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長,以實(shí)現(xiàn)沖突后的重建和持久和平。然而,隨著全球持續(xù)發(fā)展和氣候行動(dòng)的緊迫性日益凸顯,我們有必要重新審視和平與經(jīng)濟(jì)增長之間的關(guān)系。為此,筆者首回顧了支持和對經(jīng)濟(jì)增長作為和平先決條件的觀點(diǎn)。隨后,對過往的和平建設(shè)案例進(jìn)行析,這些案表明,經(jīng)濟(jì)增長會(huì)間接或直接導(dǎo)致境惡化和源分配不,以及由此引暴力沖突最后,本研究基于期在維行動(dòng)中加環(huán)境題和變化問題考量的力,析了后增長的前景。后增長和平建設(shè)不僅要減少維和行動(dòng)對環(huán)境的影的是超傳增長模式,實(shí)現(xiàn)際和生態(tài)正義。【原】nomidevelopmonsderethplrfiteninlacbuldig.hemandaestUnitedNtionUN)peacekeepingoperationfencntainthepromotoecooirowteitefonvndsustibleeaceHoeve,therelatiosibetweacadeoogreesreeminaioilightofurgentcallsforgloatainabiityandclimateacton.TodohsIfirstreviewheclaisndritiquesthateconomicgrowthisapreconditionforpeace.Ithenrevisitpastpeacebuildncasesherthepromotonofeconocrthhseihrcorrespondedwitorledtoenonmentadegradatiandunequadistributonofesource,ontribugtoeworreneeformsofviolnce.Finall,Iexplorethepospectofpost-growtheaceuldingasedorctefortstomakeUpeaceepingoeainsmreattunedtonvironmencnsideraionsandthechangngcliate.Pstgrwtpeacbuildngisntjustaouredinteenionnalfootrntoeaekeping;s,moimportantly,outbreinawayfoteleaandgrohrivnpathofpacddeveopetowarintrnatonladeoloicjusic.7.產(chǎn)政與綠色家:構(gòu)建增長時(shí)代的世界(IdriapocandthegreenstteForgiaworldaftergrowtheleyBAlan,約翰斯霍普金學(xué)政學(xué)授【摘要】產(chǎn)業(yè)政的興正在全球濟(jì)格,并造于色國的新的形。這些綠家為時(shí)代來定了基礎(chǔ)長期來,經(jīng)濟(jì)視自標(biāo)公共政策的合理依。然這一觀念實(shí)上具有濟(jì)學(xué)宇觀的史。這,后增長的時(shí)代不僅可能到來,且極有可能成為現(xiàn)實(shí)。前危伏的世界中,將境保護(hù)、社會(huì)正和經(jīng)濟(jì)增結(jié)合起的產(chǎn)業(yè)戰(zhàn)目容性繁榮提供了最。此外,有證據(jù)表明,業(yè)策構(gòu)建積為、塑國與企業(yè)、開發(fā)新進(jìn)展指標(biāo)以所需世觀平臺文】herrnceoindustrialpicissaingtheglobapolitialeonmadcregemegntfrmttatcohlpcreaterstesgreensatcdaaftegowtrhisoftetakenforgantedasuurposeofstesnappropriataspolic.Howeve,sarecentpial-eoicadsmoloicaloThissuggstanageftrgowhintonpoebulilyInteurentconjunctureofrisanchalesindsraltregisthatbringtogeeenvi,scialjusticeaprothcoalitiofferthbeshancemetcmatelanpoherosfrncsivpseritygllyInadittrevidencetti
2025年第1總第19期)121policyisprovidingaplatformtobuildactivstates,rebalancestate–businessrelations,forgenewsystemsfcalculation,andgathercosmologicalreourcesorneactin.8.后增長農(nóng)系統(tǒng):邁向解放治(Pos-growthagrfysem:Towardsanmancipatorypolitis)RajaiS.aina,希夫納學(xué)人文與科學(xué)學(xué)院際關(guān)系與治理研教授系主任Rishabhaoo希納爾社學(xué)與博士研生【要無餓界,必須全球系進(jìn)行后增長構(gòu)種重基于解放政治,以推動(dòng)農(nóng)業(yè)之的與制度進(jìn)行改革。這一變革對于擺脫農(nóng)業(yè)在經(jīng)濟(jì)增長中增霸權(quán)框架尤為必要,在一發(fā)展式下,饑餓結(jié)不公被掩蓋。來際系研究強(qiáng)了全農(nóng)問題背后度本研究運(yùn)用性論對權(quán)再的構(gòu)性機(jī)制及權(quán)關(guān)系行剖析這些機(jī)制維持了高融的農(nóng)業(yè)工業(yè)中長期存的現(xiàn)。在現(xiàn)農(nóng)系金融、相互織的結(jié)中塑的力高集中的現(xiàn)象則非常顯著。這種結(jié)構(gòu)性權(quán)力同樣顯現(xiàn)在地方分散化的農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)跨國農(nóng)業(yè)運(yùn)動(dòng)中,體現(xiàn)了后增長的基本原:自給自足同繁、關(guān)懷、態(tài)和會(huì)正義這些原則共同構(gòu)成了后增長政治所倡導(dǎo)的反霸權(quán)聲音、合社會(huì)和階級利益。原文】ordwithouthungerdemadapost-growthrewiringoftheglobalagrifoodsystempredctdonemanipatorypoliticstenableseformofactorsandinstitutiosoutsidagriutre.Thisisnessaryoshiftoutofhprvalengrow-eemoicfrmingofaricultureanitscontributinstoeconmicgrowth,wherthetucturalnjsiceohngerisrenderedinvisibleRectInterainalRltions(R)sholarshiphighlhsteistttionalarrangementsunderpiniggoalagrioodproblem.ThispaperescrialIRtheytundesnthesructualmechnimsdrelatopwrtoghwhichthegroth-egemoiceisatiofagriutueisprodceadrrouesutainighunwihanexceeinlyfianiaisddustialompx.Trualprofknwlegeshapingthinerckingtrutusoffnancprodutioanuyisedennhextrelyhighmltieconcntatonimornagrifoosyms.stcurapoideninlocatralisegcolgilstesadintransnatioalagrarianmovementsrefectspogrowthpriniplesofy,srepsperityreclgcanscialjstogther,theyacoute-hmonicvicescperativescialssteandclassinteretscamedbys-wth9去綠增長與非的候正義(Degrowhrengrowt,andcimaceffi)Chukume,布里學(xué)政策研院全球治公共策教授理方面氣候和環(huán)義(Climatenvironuice,C)的原合。者都構(gòu)建新型全球構(gòu)社的要性以促進(jìn)生保地方經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)及超越物積累社福祉因,去增長有助于實(shí)現(xiàn)變革氣候正義求。然而,認(rèn),長
122與南北氣候正義間仍然存在顯著矛盾。筆者從概念和政策的角度進(jìn)行論證,較之于去增長,采用“強(qiáng)化版”的綠色經(jīng)濟(jì)更適合作為推動(dòng)非洲實(shí)現(xiàn)國際氣候正義的基礎(chǔ)。此外,綠色增長因其對全球政治規(guī)范、結(jié)構(gòu)和動(dòng)態(tài)更為敏感的特點(diǎn)成為一種更務(wù)實(shí)和現(xiàn)實(shí)的全球氣候正義路徑?!驹摹縏heconceptofdegowthalgnswiththepriniplesofCliateandnionmetlsice(CEJ)nsignificantaspectBothfraeworunderinethfwglobastructursandsoialmovemehatoteclserolcalnmicrgertionadsociaell-beingtatgoesbeyodmterialaccumulation.Tfore,degrowthcnreinfchersorasfovoaejucHntenthatgnificanonradictisremanetweeeghanhSumatejue.rguethatonbothconualandpolcyrounds,a‘strongversionfthegreeneconomyrovidsbettrounationforseekigintenationalclimatejusticeforAfricathandegrowth.Ialsocontendthatgreenrwthisamorragmaidrealisticapproahtoglobalclimatjusticebecauseitismoreensitivetothoms,stuctures,anddynamicsfgloblpolitics.10去增、全球?qū)εc生態(tài)社會(huì)正義:自美洲的民視(Degowth,globalasmmetries,anecosciajustie:DecoonialperpectivesfomLatinAmeria)MraLan,第斯西蒙?玻瓦爾大學(xué)環(huán)境與可持續(xù)講師、塞那自治大學(xué)座講師【摘要】去增長研究通常為去增長策略主要源自并針對全球北方。盡管主流濟(jì)學(xué)語認(rèn)為全球方仍需通過經(jīng)濟(jì)增長實(shí)現(xiàn)發(fā)展標(biāo),但是去增長倡者仍期待全球方減少物質(zhì)能源消耗,從而為全南方造態(tài)與概,以便其探索自主的生態(tài)社會(huì)型。本研究基拉丁洲的發(fā)展和采義角,并借鑒依附論提出了另種:首先,本文認(rèn)為球邊緣地區(qū)輯此語下現(xiàn)為展的邏)對全球南樣具破壞在過幾十拉丁洲的濟(jì)增主通掠奪性開發(fā)實(shí)現(xiàn),而綠色長戰(zhàn)略進(jìn)種式導(dǎo)的負(fù)影響;次,文探討了去增與國關(guān)系研究進(jìn)交合可能性,并疑在全球理貿(mào)易的結(jié)構(gòu)、制規(guī)則仍維系著不對民關(guān)系的情況,僅靠球北的去增,是否足以為全球南走主定生態(tài)社之路條件【原】DgrowliteurpedonanlysatesthadeowstrateiearemeantromanfoGlobalNortWheeoocmstrdiscrsuggeststhathGoSostilhstogrowinsofachievngdveloenterowthpoentsexpectaredctionoandenerputintharhtakeecoogaconceptuasaceforhobSuttoftsowntowadecstansforman.BanLatinAmercp-dveadst-exacivipctiveaddrawinnpdencythe,thistclesuggesanoeapproach:fiitarthttherthiperave,whichtheprprawnsteimpriv,alcaussharminocisoftheGalSout.Tugoutatimeic,ithltdas,economicgrowtmahivismwithnegapeidhoe,morssilsweotnnasgneaueinhigh-incomectolmlp’hlbgis
225年第1期總第9期)123ecosocialtransformation,aslongasthestructures,institutions,andrulesofglobalgovernancandtradewhichsecureprofoundlyasymmetric,coonialrlationsarentchallengd.11.增長霸與增的:一復(fù)的霸權(quán)視角(rowthhegemonyanost-grothfturesAomplxgmonyppro)MichaelJ.Alber,愛丁學(xué)與政治全球環(huán)境政治講】迄止長潮絕大部點(diǎn)都釋要增長轉(zhuǎn)一需政策。,相比之下有“增長權(quán)”得以持續(xù)再生產(chǎn)的系結(jié)構(gòu)性機(jī)制的研究很少受到關(guān)注,于推世界體系核心國家實(shí)現(xiàn)后增長型的機(jī)、霸權(quán)戰(zhàn)略和聯(lián)盟的研則甚。本以新蘭西義理的,特Alxilla復(fù)雜霸架問這,增長不應(yīng)被化為資本義生關(guān)系(如傳統(tǒng)馬克思義通常)應(yīng)被為一種新興霸權(quán)構(gòu)與過程—治濟(jì)、態(tài)和軍化的。主張,這法可以更深入地揭示后增長的未可能呈現(xiàn)的復(fù)雜性這未來能破諸如資本主義與社會(huì)主義的簡單二元對立,時(shí),也有助于理解推動(dòng)世界體系向后增長方向轉(zhuǎn)型的機(jī)制與斗爭。【原文】oa,astaorityfpost-growhthinighasbeenfocusedonexplainingwhyapost-growthtransitionisneededanhepoliciesthiswouldenal.Lessattention,incontrast,hasbeenpaidtothereltonofoerandstucturalechnismsthroughwhchgrowthegemoy’iscontinouslyeroduced,ndvenleohemechanisms,counter-eemonicstratg,ncaliionstaculdplusiblydrivepot-growtrnsitnincrsatesoteworl-ystmTaticewilleploretesisuetruhthelenofNeo-Gramsciantheory,rtcuaythe‘complexhgeon’framwokdevelopedbyAlexWillam.romtisrspeciveathethanredunggrowthtocapalsltioofproucton(asarxstpialydo),weshouldintdframitasanmergengemnistrcreanprcessbyterciprolldeteriningfoceofpoitlecnomy,dolog,anmiitistioIwilarguetathisapprocrovdemoreinsighintothmessesfssiblostgrore–whichmaycofoundnetbirsuchascpitalismcilmaselhemcnismsandstrlehtheworlsymmighteushedipos-growthdirctio:崔馨月】【責(zé)任輯:
24世界政治》(WoldPolitics)WorldPolitics,Vol.76.4,October20241.民粹主義下的全球治理:信息壓制的挑戰(zhàn)(GlobalGovernanceunderPopulism:ThehallengeofInformationSuppression)AllisonCaregie,美國倫比亞大學(xué)政治學(xué)教授Richardlark美國圣母學(xué)政治學(xué)助理教授母際全中心(NIC)教職究員NoahZucke英國倫敦政治經(jīng)濟(jì)院國際關(guān)助理教授【摘】粹主義者對球治理的意形態(tài)反是周知的,然而這些行為及何地破織仍然不確。本文認(rèn)為,民粹主義曲全球一個(gè)關(guān)鍵手段曲科學(xué)信息于應(yīng)許共衛(wèi)生和境球應(yīng)要粹主義者有反精的觀,他們有機(jī)扣留或誤報(bào)科學(xué)信息。通過對提供給國際組織(Os)的息來源和量的新數(shù)據(jù)進(jìn)行析,文發(fā)現(xiàn)粹主義領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人向國際組織提科學(xué)息的可能性顯著低于其他類型的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。他提供此類數(shù)據(jù)時(shí),確性低于其他源提供信息。本文的結(jié)果表明,粹可阻構(gòu)在緊的注治理?!疚腜puss’oaooagrnanciswellreconied,ythethedhoteseatossystmatclinntatolorztomainuncea.Theauthrsarguethatakeymeasbywhchpoplistswarplobalgovernaceisbydistortingscientificinformatin,whichisnecessaryforglobalresponsestomanypublichealthandenvironmentalisses.Pplstsaemotivatedtowthholdormisreortscientifinformationduetotheiranti-elite,prostatesoverinyvews.Usingnwdataontsurandqualityofinformaionprvidedtinternationlrganization(ios)teauthrsfindthatpopulistleadersasignificatylesslikelopovidescieniiinformatintoiostaethertypesfeders.hheyofersdata,heyrelsaccrtthanthenformtiontatothrorcesuplyThauthosfidingssugesthpulsmmastymieinternatolsittins’bilitytogoerinarasofprssingienaionlner.《世界政治》rPoitic于1948,是享譽(yù)際的政治科學(xué)季刊,內(nèi)涵蓋和政科各個(gè)領(lǐng)域,是DeorhJha。該期刊歡迎的投類型有具有論和實(shí)證貢的研類文,有關(guān)際關(guān)和題的論性章。200期刊影響因?yàn)?.44,94種國關(guān)系位列第18名,18種政治學(xué)類刊中位44名
2025年第期(總19期)1252.聯(lián)合國維和任務(wù)導(dǎo)向與人員構(gòu)成對環(huán)境保護(hù)的重要性(TheImportanceofUnPeacekeepingMissionOrientationandPeronnelforEnvironmentalProtection)TobiaB?hmelt,英國埃塞克斯大學(xué)政學(xué)院授【摘要】聯(lián)國維和動(dòng)越與供全或和平之的社和經(jīng)濟(jì)成果相關(guān)聯(lián)。維和人員也可能有助于環(huán)境的改善。里論研究推了關(guān)維和人員導(dǎo)向人構(gòu)論點(diǎn)闡明維和人員與環(huán)境系在授權(quán)或地行動(dòng),維和任以具有綠色,可能加他們對環(huán)保護(hù)的此外,文職人員可幫發(fā)所能。本文析戰(zhàn)后洲維部署定型匹配法分明,任務(wù)導(dǎo)向更多的職人員(相較于軍職人員更好的當(dāng)?shù)厮|(zhì)相關(guān)。這項(xiàng)研豐富我們對維和行動(dòng)的認(rèn)知也為環(huán)政治安全研究文獻(xiàn)提了補(bǔ)充。【原文UNpeacekeepingsicrlylinktscncomotethntheprovsionfopace.Pecekepsnsaocwitimvmnronmentalpn.Theresarchdiscussedereavancshoreticalruetonecekepersrettionandpersonnelopositontoshedlightontheunderlyingmechanismsoftherelationshipbetweepeackeepersandtheenvironment.Throghmadtsordirectactionontheground,packeepingmisoscahaveagreeorientatothatikelystrengthensheircommitmentoenviromentalprotectin.Moreov,civianpersonelcanhelptodeveothstatecpacitytatisneessarytimemenanenoceevronmentalrgltioTheauhranlzspecekepngdpoymntsipst–CldWrAfrcaandusesfixedeffetsmodelsandmating.Theempiiclanalysipoidsevidencthatenvironmenalmissonorietaiandorecviipersnel,hanunifredpersnnl,correlatwithbettrloawatequalty.sresahconristoouknwldgonpeceeinoperaios,aditaddtothlituonenirmenalpoite.的io學(xué)研M2014繁本文根對規(guī)則的遵守程度以及國家行為位可守法采生限自區(qū)文的重性以行性——即—礦變工合不稱向罪文金結(jié)規(guī)模泛rntlbalSouthste0commoditythnaudtfhaofartisanal
16miingbaedonthedegreeofrulecomplianceandthewillingnessofstateactorstoenforcesuchcomplince:itislegalwhentheminershaveformalpermitstooprateandfostateuesoine,butitisillalwheheminngtakelacsistrictednuvsdnopliseminngrulesisextnsve.Theticlxpainstrtininoastaufatisanalminersbyexaminintheiportnceofmnigtothlocaleconomyandtheorgiztinlasyetthnestorthdifferencesinceeofrtiaalminingwtinon.Wheartsanalinngtatohoooyoymriespminrstratntolehilehighaymmetries,bontrs,ushhemowardllegalityndriminalit.heauthorsrocesstracethesetransitionsinPeru’smostimportantgold-producingregions.Theindngshavebroadimplicatoforothesmll-scalepoducersandmerchantswhoseactiitisarealsonownforwidespreadinmality.4.農(nóng)業(yè)精財(cái)富不平等與國家能力:來自0世紀(jì)巴的證據(jù)AgrarianElits,ealthIneualiy,andSteCaaity:EvidencefromarlyTentih-CenturBrazil)GulianaPadelli,紐約大學(xué)扎分校學(xué)助理授【要】傳的農(nóng)業(yè)英常被描繪為國家張的障。由于土地所有者其易受到收影響,不等的預(yù)會(huì)加劇他們對財(cái)政能力發(fā)展的抵制。文為,當(dāng)有產(chǎn)者在治上占主導(dǎo)位,并且從公支出中獲得其資稟賦比例的利益,財(cái)富不平與對能投資的更大支持相聯(lián)。利用二十世紀(jì)初巴數(shù)據(jù)展在土精英臨較政治脅的區(qū),土地持有集中度較高與加財(cái)政行政力相。對機(jī)制的檢驗(yàn)證這關(guān)于精對特類型共存需求的觀點(diǎn)。這些發(fā)現(xiàn)供于經(jīng)濟(jì)利益政主在塑造國家影響范圍的地方面差之相用的新見為關(guān)于國建設(shè)更廣文獻(xiàn)出獻(xiàn)文】TradtinaagrariaeitehaeoftnbeprtrayeasostaletothexanioofthstBelandedactorarpatilaryxpoextnelixptetoxcetheirdentffiapay.TisariluhatoeriedrsarellnbtainenefrmblieithttitoeictawentealhnqsociatedwithgreatereitepacityinvestesineytwhnuryBdaheaorsohtwherelalitesacedfwitatreats,igherevelsofanogncentratieiattncreadiatfmechanismrrratheeathieationshisultomliedemandsforpecictesopublispenThbuhebroaderiteraurnstuilinbyrovngewishtsintioendpoliticaldngbthatse裁者的來ElectoralSystemseAEidfhRianmnlle學(xué)治
2025年第1(第19期)127【摘要】立法選舉支撐著權(quán)威主導(dǎo)政權(quán),但不同的選舉制度對這些政權(quán)的政治前景同時(shí)有利又有弊。本文在理論上探討了在能夠獲取地方精英偏好信息的選舉制度與維持立法控制的制之間的權(quán)衡。一個(gè)選舉制度可以實(shí)現(xiàn)其中之一,但無法同時(shí)做到。本文對俄聯(lián)邦議員進(jìn)行了實(shí)證研究,其中一半議員在單席位選區(qū)中當(dāng)選,另一半則在國范過封閉黨名單選舉。候人可以同時(shí)在兩個(gè)名單上登記(樣本量N=515),結(jié)果決定了的名單歸屬。對那些在選區(qū)強(qiáng)勝出或的議員來選舉激勵(lì)會(huì)突然變本文利用地方代支持或反對政。結(jié)果支一衡:選區(qū)單的議員在演講中傳達(dá)地方偏好信息更多,但更頻繁地反對法案提案。獨(dú)裁者如何權(quán)衡這舍決定了選度的擇,并闡明此類國家中的選文】gisatlonauoritarinregimestsinctelcolytemlaouslybnefandhurtthepoliticalprspectsofthseegime.Theathorheorizesaboutatrade-ofbetwenlecorasmsatfatnforoaeesstemsthtmanleislativeotol.Alectorastemcaachieveith,tteamtihernertaknpiastuosianfederdpies,hawhomareeectednsingle-membrdistricts,theothrhalfonanationwideclosed-partlist.Candidatescanregisteronbothlists(N=515),anddistrictresultsdeterminefinalstaflatin.Eectoralincentiveschageabruptlyfordeputeswoarebarelywinningorlosingtheidistrict,afctthaeautheploitstoidentifyteeffecsofloarpreentatoopadategimepriamentayehavior.Theeutsportatraeofditrict-listeputiesconveymoenormationonlocalpferencitheirspeechesthanparty-istepuieso,btheypposeawpoosserequntly.otocasweighhisrade-fdetermiestelectralsytandiluminaeselctorarefointocracies.【編譯:婧婧】【責(zé)任編輯:李瑩】《劍橋際務(wù)論》(CmbrideReviewofInteatonlffir)《劍橋國際事評論(CambridReviewoItenationalAffairs)是一份同審期刊,發(fā)表于國事創(chuàng)新術(shù)成果。涵蓋社科學(xué)域,括國關(guān)系歷史、法、政治經(jīng)濟(jì)、地研究發(fā)展研究和別。力于用多化的法和法,鼓勵(lì)術(shù)界政策定提交多科和跨學(xué)科的貢1年的影響因?yàn)?.9,在96種國關(guān)系刊中排名33。
18CambidgeReviewofInternationalAffairs,Vol.37,No.5,20241.國際組織的危機(jī)管理:國際聯(lián)盟對早期挑戰(zhàn)的應(yīng)對(Crisismanagementininternationalorganisations:theLeagueofNtionsrenstoearlychllenges)GiselaHichmann頓大學(xué)政治學(xué)究關(guān)系專業(yè)理教授摘要】國織(I)如何應(yīng)員退出等生存危機(jī)?適應(yīng)者的要,而他組織則通過增強(qiáng)制度性能力以抵御壓力。然而,我塑造國際應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)的內(nèi)部動(dòng)甚少。本文探了國際組織對脅的感知在何種程度決其強(qiáng)向聯(lián)egNati期危機(jī)的個(gè)案探析表明及時(shí)且的危機(jī)感知助于組織采取更為果斷和有力的應(yīng)對策略。基于該析,對于國組織究,可以得出兩點(diǎn)結(jié)論:首先,在國際應(yīng)對危的過程中際僚容忽;其,研究果對國際聯(lián)盟危機(jī)理的深入研究于國際中事?!尽縪dointrnailorganisOs)respontoxlllngssseberiaalsorbutct?Smmanageognorethehallengeoradapohdeadfhehallengingatehereastersulinstitutonacpacitiestoresistthepressure.Yet,weknowlittleabouttheinternldyaicsthatshapeIos’rponstosuhchallenges.ThisarticleinvetigtestowhatexetIO’threatperceptiondetermnstheintensityanddiectonoftheirspsestocrise.UsingtheeageofNatios’reponsestoearlcrisesasaeplorativehstoricalcastudy,thensissowstatatimeyadhmogenouperetoofacsisldstamrasrtiveadsbstanialrespos.Twobroaerconclusionscanbedrawfromthanalysisforreserc.Firs,theroleofintrnaioaraucrashouldnotbundestimatedishapanIO’srespnstcrise.Seon,thfdigsinictethtamornancedpespctiveonthLegu’scrisismaagmetcnlpovecothefaravethtdomital巴際同體法性的必要條件,也可能對有規(guī)的了于研析。生例策體能夠反議削原h(huán)eEUiaearseoeeesdtomofteEU,conttllengethevayoitsfoundationnrmsThssthutioofhowthispfntstationafepolicy.Thistwradicalomso
202年第1期(總第19期)129contestation:oppositionanddissidence.Throughtheanalysisoftwocasestudies,namelytheGlobalCompactforMigrationandSexalandepuctiveHelthandRights,itbecomesevintththU’sforegnpicsysemsunoponbutissidenehasthepotentchalengeorundminethonorms.3.留中主權(quán)規(guī)inheg:Chinacoetingnormrulicdetnagement?)HaiYang(楊海),澳大學(xué)政府與行政學(xué)系助理教授【摘要】文探討中國否挑在何上以如挑戰(zhàn)目由團(tuán)G7)的邊發(fā)國主中崇的規(guī)范與實(shí)踐。具體言文的可債務(wù)度和附加條件的免。為此,本建了一個(gè)規(guī)競的分析框ormcontestatig,據(jù)此分析如何在語出質(zhì)同,國官方話語與動(dòng)行對比基于析,文章得結(jié)論。首先,在話語面中國實(shí)有挑戰(zhàn)上述三個(gè)規(guī):中國推崇對債務(wù)可持續(xù)性和債務(wù)透明的獨(dú)特理解強(qiáng)(債權(quán)國)減免債務(wù)不應(yīng)附件且應(yīng)公平次,中的語具行存在節(jié):其貸款務(wù)減免實(shí)踐正在)趨近既有主導(dǎo)行為體(G7)所偏好或倡導(dǎo)的實(shí)踐?!驹摹縏hisarticleaddresssthequestionsofhethe,tohextet,andhowChinactsthnormsandpraciesforpublcdebtmanagementindeveingcountriesscurrentlpreferredbyhGoupofSeven(GanG7-ledmultiarlinstituons.Morepecifically,iconsidershreenorms:debtsutinaility,dbttransparecyandconditialdebtreliefTotated,IelaboreanrmcontettotpolgyadaplyittanalysehCndscrsivelycontesstesnrm.EuallyIcontrasChin’srhetoriwthitsactualbehaioTwofininsemerefromtheanalyiFstheearenotableeffortsyChinatoconesthethrenmswihCneseofficalemhaisngqualitelditiunerstadigofebtsustinbiityandbttrspreanthaprrienssono-cndiionitandalihrisinfbSondtheapdtin’wdsncs,tttualbtelpct(becg)mleihatcrrenlypdradatheeshecors.4.源困:亞合進(jìn)口機(jī)制的教訓(xùn)(WhenreiycoperatnfangtsggofoheastAsjoiimportcns)Elei巴伊大學(xué)學(xué)助要些地區(qū)拒絕旨在提升其整能供應(yīng)安全的作,這一問題困擾著能源區(qū)域一體化的學(xué)者和策。東北亞即為:地多石機(jī)制增強(qiáng)中、韓、日三油供應(yīng)集體價(jià)能,但屢失敗,三國陷入了更格訂性雙合文針對這困境供了點(diǎn)解。首先在地位置
130對供應(yīng)中斷的脆弱差異顯著的地區(qū),建立可靠的油氣供應(yīng)線路面臨巨大的技術(shù)挑戰(zhàn)與高昂的物流成本,這使得雙邊協(xié)議比多邊合作更加可靠。其次,政策制定者往往將本國的能源供應(yīng)問題安全化,這促使其過分強(qiáng)調(diào)本國相對脆弱性,并擔(dān)憂失去能源供應(yīng)自主權(quán)?!驹摹縏hequestonowysmeregonsrjectenergycooperationinitiavethtimtoimprovteiovraserofpluzzescholarsandpoliymakerdctingfordeeperregionalintegratothroughgtraastheirtAsa,whereooetaointimpormhsmtimprveChina,SouthKoraandJapan’scolctivebaainpowergnstMidleasuplsatlturimigbiateracontractathherpricllthreecuntieTisrfetopaosftiuzl.Firsheuniqetechnicalclengsandcostylogisticsosablishingrliabeinaspplyrouesakeilateralgeemntsorecredibletanmultilateralguaranteesinregionscharacterisebygegaphclemotesandhighdifferentiaulnerabilitytodisrutionsamongitsmembrs.Second,thetendnyofpoicmakerstosecuritisetirory’snergysupplypusesthemtoveremphasisetheirrativeulnerabltiesandfranyossoutonomyovertheirsupies.5.“憑什么?”:外制者20421年委瑞民崩制合性認(rèn)知(Whagivyouthergt?’Foreignplicmakers’prceptionsoftelegitimacyosanctonsantdemoraticbreadoninVeneuea(201–2019)AlicEFindn,英國杜大學(xué)際政助理授;YancyVilroe敦經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)際關(guān)系士【摘要】鑒國際關(guān)系領(lǐng)域關(guān)于合法性及其的有研究提出了一個(gè)用于研究國制裁法化與去合法程的分框。筆者此框應(yīng)于分析外國制定對各及國組織對委瑞拉尼古拉斯馬杜羅權(quán)實(shí)制裁法性評估。評價(jià)性陳述內(nèi),合法與去法化過主要聚焦于“誰有權(quán)實(shí)施制裁”,并揭示了對多邊和單邊(制裁)實(shí)施以及類型國際組織的差異化合法性評估。果,多邊且影響范圍有的制單邊影響范泛更合法性筆對裁合法合的研僅對合性而且對于將制裁變?yōu)槿挠兄厥?。原】Dawinoontemrydbonlegiacydcontstatinntatlati,trticleoersavenalytckostuyproceeoflgitimatnddeeiinofntrnionlsanctions.Weappytheoansefoeigns’evluionoftegitimacofthsannsbyatendnteaioalrgnitoagiticolásdur’segiinVenezulhecntenaalysisoevtatmnthost(delitimairoousmtlyonheigttenoresactiddifferentiaeciultilateralesrelftgiacmobymultilaterarteontargetedinladithanunilateralotwrWearguethatsytf
2025年第1期總第19期)131sanctionsmayhaveimportantimplicationsnotonlyforenhancingcompliance,butespeciallyfortransforminginternatinalsaciosintoalegitimatemechanismofglobalovrane.6.人權(quán)與國家安之:韓國公眾如看待20209間的本對策Humnrigtsversusntionasurityinpublicopiiononforeignaffar:SoutKreawofNthKor089)o科羅多系助教授YJungJuliee,科羅州大學(xué)治學(xué)系助理教授摘要】人權(quán)雖為自由民主治的核心要素,但民主國家的公眾輿論在外政策中否優(yōu)先注他國人以相其優(yōu)先事項(xiàng)的權(quán)如何,尚論。當(dāng)個(gè)國統(tǒng)性侵犯人權(quán),大安全威脅國還存在善與該政權(quán)的種顯了韓國公眾在朝關(guān)對人權(quán)國家安全相對偏好,以探究眾在對務(wù)中如何及種度上看待人權(quán)的性。研究顯示,當(dāng)個(gè)家與重侵犯人權(quán)權(quán)的系其公往會(huì)降低人度,而注重緩軍事緊局勢。研究果表明,在圖改善與一既對安構(gòu)成威脅又系統(tǒng)性侵犯人權(quán)的政關(guān)系時(shí),必須對權(quán)取的挑戰(zhàn)?!驹摹縒hleuanihtreanintegralatfieamocratrule,thextentowhichpublicopinionindemocraciesprioritisshumanrightsinoterounrerelatietoothercopetingforeipoicypriritiesisnotclear.Thisisparticularlthecasewhenacutythatsystematicallbreheshumanrightsalsoposesasriosecurtthreaandthereareincentivstoiproverelatnwiththereimeinoer.Toashternothplicvlueshmanrightsvis-à-visntoascurtyinfoignafairs,tispaperutilsessryqesionstatcapturetepblic’srelativprefrecebetweenetoinSutKoreanpblopinnregrinrelationswithNortKore.Iproideidecethatwhenamraticgovenmntattpttoimprvereatiowiharegimcomitigravehumnrigtsvilios,pulopninintdeocracdrorishumanrightsivourofreucmilitartsThefiningsshlihtnthtdeffatsinttemptstoimproreiswiharegatisbthaecritheaanasystevharights.【編譯:崔馨【張奕睿
13《太平洋評論》(hePacificReview)ThePacificReview,Vol.37,No.5,20241.安全政策共同體與美日同盟共識:智庫、專家與聯(lián)盟管理者的作用(ThesecuritypolicycommunityandtheconsensontheUS–Jpaalliance:theroleofthinktanks,exprtsadtealiancemanager)eataBohooyc波蘭茲密茨凱學(xué)東方究系教授【要】本文運(yùn)用安全政策共同體SC)的概念,探討了冷戰(zhàn)后時(shí)代美日同盟共識的連續(xù)性問題,該共同體由專注于外官和政府行動(dòng)者組成。主要論點(diǎn)三方面:,美日同盟共識得以延續(xù)和的要力一是包括美日兩國成員在內(nèi)的跨國安全政策共同體的其戰(zhàn),政策共同體展了一個(gè)、機(jī)構(gòu)和組成絡(luò),為倡導(dǎo)強(qiáng)盟、凝社區(qū)培養(yǎng)成員提了支持;第三智庫和學(xué)專在形成和傳安全共識面發(fā)著越來越重要的作用。文章認(rèn)為,這種排既可能產(chǎn)生積極影響,也可能產(chǎn)消極影響,要在放性他性、業(yè)性與穎性、連續(xù)性與創(chuàng)新之保適平全策思想本文指隨印-平洋全架“輻系”系作為國他聯(lián)盟的典范。原】heaicladdressestheisuefcntiityenensusontheUSJaliacitost-Colerbymygtecoeptsofsecuritpolmmuiy(SPCthacomprisesbohgovernmentoffice-holdersandon-goernmenalacorsfocusedntheoreignadsecuritypolicy.Themainrgumentisthree-fold;firstly,oneofthemajorforcesbehindtecntiutanenhancementofthesecuritycsensusotheUS–JapanalliancehasbeentheformationofhetransntonaSCthatiuemembersfromtheUSandJapcondly,incetheendofheColdWr,thSChdevelopddensenetworkofmeminstitutions,andprticesthatsuporsheadvcacyofalliaceehncentaswellascomunitycohesiaduturnonewmembers;ndthirdlytethinktank-ndunesty-basedexpertslaynncreasingyialroleintheormationandismiatonoftheseurtycosensusheaicleuggeststatsucharngmetscahavebotoitvannatvecosquncesadhatapope《太平洋評》(hePacifiReviw)是太平洋地主要平臺作為學(xué)科刊,宗目標(biāo)為打破研究領(lǐng)域之以及學(xué)術(shù)界新聞界、和商之壁壘,點(diǎn)關(guān)注策問題。根據(jù)JournalCiatonRpors顯示,201年該的影響子為2.74。
2025年第期(總19期)133balancebetweenopennessandexclusiveness,expertiseandnovelty,andcontinuityandinnovationisquiredinordertomaintainavibrantmarketpaceofidasforseuitypocy.ThearilaloindictesthatwtthetransformationoftheIno-Paciityachtturhehuandspoketothetworkedsse,SPCmrasmdlSinmn.2.0-02年緬甸作為“和平倡導(dǎo)者”的國(Takingideasanwordsseriousl:expliningtenstituionlizaonfthLaang-ongcoopethagRoy,獨(dú)立研利亞迪學(xué)人權(quán)社會(huì)學(xué)學(xué)院教授CostasLoutes,大亞迪肯大學(xué)人權(quán)學(xué)講【摘要】從02021年,國一直是緬和平角??季捴袊蕾囈约芭c大之間普遍存在的關(guān)系,這點(diǎn)乎意義然而,盡管有關(guān)中等家的文獻(xiàn)一直在提及它們調(diào)停,但由于定義不明確,因此難應(yīng)用這術(shù)語近有者運(yùn)用者nrepreneurial角理解中強(qiáng)的為,暗示中等強(qiáng)國是由物質(zhì)和意識形態(tài)因素共同驅(qū)動(dòng)的。本文基于對挪威、日本和澳大利亞2011-021年參與緬甸倡導(dǎo)和平活動(dòng)的五十多名情者進(jìn)行的實(shí)地談,對倡導(dǎo)者標(biāo)簽行了擴(kuò),并認(rèn)為緬甸等中等強(qiáng)國扮演著和平的倡導(dǎo)者角色-他們利用己導(dǎo)平的聲來應(yīng)物質(zhì)利益。而本文認(rèn),與建設(shè)緬甸和平的“和平倡導(dǎo)者”精神是有問題的,因?yàn)樗欣诋?dāng)權(quán)者。事實(shí)上,與這行體為立解理假設(shè)形成鮮明對比的是,本文對中等強(qiáng)國在導(dǎo)平的獻(xiàn)提出了謹(jǐn)慎的質(zhì)疑。【原文】MiddlepoerswerevsibasinMyan’speace-donorlanscpe,fromthebeinniofthatcounry’speacpocesin2011ulthe2021coup.ConsiderigManmar’slnstandingdpendencyonChiadgneallydfficultrelainhipwthlrgerpwer,thisappearstobesignifiant.Howeerthelieaturonmiddlepowersreainincapacitatedbyadeiitonalopactthatmaksppationofthetermdffcult,desitconsstrefeenestotheirmeiaingcaablitie.Recentscolrsiphaapliedan‘entreprenural’lensounrsanryawithm0tpandgeneurs—asactorsdtkmniNagprsvepbecgteeoeotssumptionsoftheseoi,erraisessntthecontrmddlpowersinpeacemakin3.金融方略評估韓國在區(qū)域金融合作hevarietiesfnanalecafnmiddlepowers:aseSothKrea’sstegic
134nvolvementinregionalfinancialcooperation)YaechanLee,日本立命館亞洲太平洋大學(xué)亞太研究學(xué)院副教授WilliamW.Grimes,美國波士頓大學(xué)弗里克·帕迪全球研究學(xué)院國際關(guān)系與政治學(xué)教授WilliamN.Kring,美國波士頓大全球發(fā)展政中心執(zhí)行主【摘要近年來,金融國家戰(zhàn)略的研究從大的關(guān)擴(kuò)展到了興大國的行為盡管這擴(kuò)展提供了重要的修正但現(xiàn)有文獻(xiàn)尚未充分討論新興大國在金方略中的多樣化。本認(rèn)為在全球?qū)泳哂辛?,中等?qiáng)國為也不同于區(qū)域國。如,印度和韓國都被歸類為金融方略中的新國,并采用區(qū)戰(zhàn)以降低金融脆弱。而其實(shí)戰(zhàn)略顯然有所不同。印度試圖并國而韓國則求更溫防性的基于中等強(qiáng)國理論我假中等強(qiáng)在其區(qū)域的相位可解釋新大國在金融方略上這種異。為證這一觀點(diǎn),本文研究了韓在亞太地區(qū)的金融方略。研究發(fā)現(xiàn)為區(qū)域中等強(qiáng)國的地位有其在貨領(lǐng)域邊與域合式。【原文eenyears,heinrttspandedromaocusongretpowerstenpabaioroferwers.leonnorntcorectie,thelitudosnoetdquateladdrethefullvrietyfhmrigpwers’srategiesfinanciaatecraft.narticularwearguthatregionalmiddlepwersbehavedifferentlyfromregionalgreatpowersvenhenheyhavesimilarcapacitiesatthegloballevel.Forinstance,bothIndiaandSouthKoreaarecateorizeasemergingpowesinthefinanciastatecraftliteratueanddeplyrglstrateistorutheirfinacalvulnerablity.YttheirficalstatecratstrategishavecearlydiffredinpracticInihassughttochallngetegloasatusqoadinfluenceitsnbors,wilSutKreprsuedmremodestaddfnivgol.Drawngonthemiddepwliterature,weposithamddepowr’relativeposiiowithinherhoereginsexplanssuchdifrecesamongthfnacilstatcrftofemeringpowes.Todeonstrtethtilityofthisappoah,weamieSouhKorea’sfinacilstecafnthAsgn.findhatisssaegidlwelplatsrsblatralargioncoopeioemphee.應(yīng)鮮驗(yàn)多發(fā)式(rinalysisfSutretardsrtora’ssestsPleg土耳比大學(xué)(lkentUrs國系生【摘要1以來,朝導(dǎo)著加速,對區(qū)域內(nèi)的對話極為敏感有人或許認(rèn)為,韓國二十落入太平洋的,但對時(shí)仍有多種政策選。理解韓的決策,采用出的多啟發(fā)理oeurio(被動(dòng)旁接觸、聯(lián)決策3、20120年次危機(jī)刻的案析。據(jù)收防和報(bào)手資國切朝鮮試射行常不會(huì)直接挑時(shí),傾向用約、停協(xié)等,將問向。軍朝鮮半島的在至重要,尤其宣布減
2025年第1期(總第9期)135入后,朝鮮試射的頻率顯著增加。韓國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的反應(yīng)還受到多項(xiàng)國內(nèi)和地區(qū)因素的潛在影響,例如“陽光政策”、最終統(tǒng)一的可能性、美軍存在、不對稱能力,以及地區(qū)現(xiàn)狀等【原文】TheNorthKoreanmissileprogramhasgaiedundeniblmometuminthetwentirtcentur,higlysensitivetdialogueswitinthegioOneulrgueothKoreaisaccustomedtotheserepetitivelanhssplasinitothePacificOcean,attsnweear,uttrpblichstssetoolcyalterniveswhenrespondngtotheneghor’sagresn.ToundesadSouhKoredeision-ainanism,Iul‘itiTheor’deelopedyMintzAecimatrixitingofrepltrnaivesivstingrchingujoindills)appiedtthreeisismomentfrom203,2017,02.imaryandsecondrorcelikedefeseinitryresseleasesndewsreportsareusedfordatacollection.TheNorth’stestsarecloselyobservedytheSotbutsuallynotrespondedtoprvcos.WhenSouthKoreadecidetorespond,thetendencyistocarrytheiseotheinternationaaudecbycitingU.NConventionritieAgent,ec.Theprnceofthe.S.militayinthepeinsulaplaysacruciarolesseenfroheremarkalincreaedtestsaftertheUS.declaeitwoudlssenmlitaryvolvement.Sveraldomesticdginalciteria(theSnsineoliy,eventuaunicaionposibiit,USmilitarypresnc,asymmeticlcapailtis,reinastatsq)hpossbleinflueeovereaders’responses.【編譯欣張文】【責(zé)任編:張奕?!縏hePaciicReiew,ol7,No.62041.通過鄰性利益和份理解區(qū)成揭穿印地區(qū)作可地區(qū)分線謊UdegreotiohrougroxiyintetsanidentybinheIno-cisalreioleatn)ichalolma?,拉格副教Guauianc,拉德堡大eKaran布拉大會(huì)大助理教授【摘要印太東南和太學(xué)術(shù)討和球治中重要性益凸這的而易見,因它周邊的聯(lián)。然而,這一概念為超越地基石?進(jìn)說,為什地區(qū)實(shí)現(xiàn)了,而其他地做到這一社會(huì)建主建理論,認(rèn)三同的先決條件——鄰近性利和—在地區(qū)整合中發(fā)揮的用。研究這是一個(gè)尺度滿足這些件對地區(qū)成和制積影。將印地區(qū)與亞地和東地進(jìn)比較,兩者擁有,但太地區(qū)嚴(yán)共的近性份觀素仍存在本研究論是這一局阻的主體間共享的區(qū)域框架
136【原文】hendo-Pacificregion,linkingtheIndianandPacificOceansthroughSoutheastAsia,isbecomigincreasinglysignificantinacademicdiscoursendgobaolitics.TheeopoliicalbackgrundofthideaisevidenasitconntsseverlmjpoersaoundChina.However,cantheconceptsereasacornertnforvaleregionalsettingbeygeopoiicAinxnsowhyosegionsnstitioalizewhilthersarnabletodthsame?Draingonsocialnstrucivisdreion-uildngherie,aurinesbjecivelyapdsi,interestsddntity—playcruaroleegnlconsoioeptaisrwreteasscahereimeeingeeconditionposvlyinfuencesregionformatinndinstitutonaiatinComparnhendo-PaifictotheAia-PacficdSoutheastAsiawecontendthatwhilethelattertwopossessedthesecomponents,theIndo-Pacificseerelackshredideaofproximityandidenttyanhcomponentofinterestsremainscontested.Weconcluethtthslitionficantlhampesthepossilityofthendo-Pacificemnasavadintersubjectvlsharedregioframework.2.民主退的政策果:2015年《慰安婦議》案(Freinpolcyconsquencsofdemocraticbcksiding:thcseoteComfortmnAgreementin2015)BunhwnSn,美國治梅森大學(xué)全球事務(wù)項(xiàng)目副教授摘要】最的究記了民倒退個(gè)治理領(lǐng)產(chǎn)生的深遠(yuǎn)響。然而,盡管近年來世界地的倒退政府采取了傳統(tǒng)的外交政策立場,但外交政策仍這一趨中例外。為了補(bǔ)這一空白,本文以215年慰安婦協(xié)》的中心究韓國民主倒退時(shí)期的日政。案例研究表明,惠政(2—2017年)奉行政策場無社會(huì)度束。文認(rèn),這案示民主退如何破壞外交政的穩(wěn)。【原文】Renstudeshaeocuentedterofunffectstaeoraicbcsidggeneonvrsrealmsofovrce.Hov,oreipoicrainxininthisrendsptetabeeceofnortionafgnpocyosonsbackslgovernmntsaouteworltokirentearsToadrgap,thpaenesSrea’spcywadJaduringiretpofdocraticbacksngocsinonheakingofheomfotWoAgentin2015.ThecasedylsthattheParkGeunegovernmnt02-201)edaplcypositionthatdefiedsocialnsttoalcnsaits.Tepauggeststhtthserepresetshowdelalz在dhpalclaimical,cartogaleai)學(xué)方洋實(shí)兼職研究員【摘要】國踐身得源,中可靠信息來源的地圖、非官方圖布化
205年第期(總第19期)137方地圖,國際司法或仲裁機(jī)構(gòu)往往持極為謹(jǐn)慎的態(tài)度。菲律賓外交部下屬的海事與海洋事務(wù)研究所(IMOA)和部分菲律賓政治精英展出的西班牙殖民當(dāng)局繪制的黃巖島地圖和圖,雖然具有官方或半官方性質(zhì),但均未標(biāo)明相關(guān)區(qū)域的政治邊界,且存在明顯的不準(zhǔn)確。西基于測量動(dòng)繪制海圖的目的是為保障航行安全,并非宣示主權(quán),很難此推斷出黃巖島主權(quán)屬于西牙。菲律賓展示的其他國制圖者的地圖本身存在準(zhǔn)確性存疑囊了菲律群島在內(nèi)廣大區(qū)域和未標(biāo)明相區(qū)域的政治邊界等諸多問題,無法證明菲律賓對黃巖島擁有領(lǐng)土主權(quán)。類的,菲律賓展示的其他試圖也均不足以證明所謂“卡拉延島群”屬于菲賓【原文】Basedonintertonallawandc,itlfdoesoconteaidpndntterioriltitedasnoindendentproativevauenterritraldispts.Regardingmswthinauatornlialsoucsofnmalmapsandofficalmsproducedbonpartyaigtohnctposii,ietaludaadrtionnutiostnholaeryittlecreibilitTheIntituteofMariimeandOcanfairsIMO)anagencyfthehilippneepartmenoforenffair,ansoehilippinepoliticalelitesselectedmanyofthemapsforthe2014exhibition.AlthoughsommasorcartsofScrboroughShoaldrabytheSpniholnstsondisplayareofficialorsemiofficialinnature,theyonomarkheolitiboundariesofherelevntareasndarobvioiaurateThepurposeofSpain’schatingineachexpitiontoScarougShalaprovideuidaeonaviationlfet,notoasertsovereignty.ItisdficulttarriveatdfiniteonlusionabotsvereigntyoerSarborugoafromthesemapsandchars.Temapsorchartsdisplayedanddrawbycartogaphersfroothercounris,hvemanyproemssuinsffiietaccuac,cvinvastareamoethnthelippneIsandsanhckoarkingpotalbonarisadthuscanopovtthPhiehaterritoialsovreignoverScaoruhShalSimillyeoftmapndchrtdispaesuittopvette“alaaaIsldsbeongohePhilipine.俄對交何失:213—023與8年代末比Ruhabothdploaytacmprioso2013–2anheat9)GbetRozma,普學(xué)教摘】從勃列夫到流觀為,由于16來存在的土爭端,莫斯科與日本的關(guān)未能取得突破。日宣歸個(gè)嶼但莫斯持不歸任何嶼,或者暗示歸還兩個(gè)島嶼。這里提出不同的論:在外起步的時(shí)期罪魁禍?zhǔn)资悄箍茖θ毡镜腻e(cuò)誤法。0世紀(jì)80年末3—2023年俄羅斯品絕互補(bǔ)性、歷史平行性權(quán)力衡等論點(diǎn),認(rèn)為日本什么無論戈?duì)柊托滤肌焙推站┑摹稗D(zhuǎn)向如何,的思想基礎(chǔ)從實(shí)。這著日史、日同盟和日不的他負(fù)面。能評估東京,包括其追莫斯的諸因了的國家認(rèn)的對政治和曲在每個(gè)時(shí)期對誤判為之日大敵路原】hprevailingatermheBrezhneveratoepresnhlhtMoc’elihTokyofiledhevbrktruutotrritorialdisteingerigfom1956.JapanhdemadtereitheSovietUniofeausrrt
138Mosowhadisistedonnoislandsorhintedattwo.Adifferentargumentismadehere:TheprimaryculpritinthewoperiodswhendiplomacytookoffwasMoscow’sswedthinkngaoutJapan.Rejectingargumentfocomplementarity,istoricalpallelism,andblneopower,Russiawritingsinthelate1980sand2013–2023sawlittlevalueinJapan.RegardlessofGorbachev’s‘NewThinig’andPutin’s‘TurntohEast’,theintellectualgroundorkforrapprocrtled.TiasaharbigrothregatityabouapaesehistorytheJaan-USlliance,andapan’s‘dsrespect’FailuretasssTokyoccurtey,ilungismaonsfrpursuinsco,ifeoopoliticsaswellageoenomicswingtoadistordnationatity.MidngJaineahpridhewtorearhtiyohesthtfowe.編譯汪平文【責(zé)任編輯:張奕?!繃H關(guān)系》ItnationalRelationnternationaRelations,Vol.38,No.3,September20241.將氣候入現(xiàn)實(shí)存在(Bingingteclimatintoexitence)HannahHughes,英國阿伯里斯特威斯大學(xué)國際政治系國際政治與氣候變化高級講師【摘要】本期特刊探討了這樣一個(gè)問題:國際關(guān)系研究以及我們作為學(xué)者的自身身份,如何能通過何方在哪些域,與候變化立更緊密的系,并為應(yīng)對全球環(huán)境退所需社會(huì)和政治變革做出貢獻(xiàn)。在引,本者開始意識到在國際政府間氣候變化專門委會(huì)(IPCC)的研究和分析中缺少氣候變化的地方開始。通過合作和其他世界作家?guī)ьI(lǐng)進(jìn)行的旅程,本回望并理了種缺失這里提供了一個(gè)起,以索章和評在通過國際關(guān)科究氣候變化的旅程中將我們帶《國關(guān)系》(InternatinalRelatio)在上是明確的元化在許多學(xué)術(shù)期刊在范越來越專業(yè)化,在方法越來越宗派的候,本刊的編輯政傾向于主題和方法多樣性。除了更流的概工作和析外,刊歡來自所有角度國關(guān)系相關(guān)的所有主題文或議法律、濟(jì)學(xué)、倫理戰(zhàn)略、學(xué)、文化境等??J(rèn)為,這種多元化受到學(xué)術(shù)政策界及感興趣的眾的極需。每卷通常都包含同行評審的研究文章,綜述文、采訪、辯和論壇組總之,我們歡迎各種觀點(diǎn)。20年該期刊的影響因子為1.。
2025年期(總第19期)139向何方。每篇文章闡明了這一特刊試圖解決的問題的不同維度,同時(shí)也探索國際關(guān)系研究如何、在哪里以及通過何種方式能夠重新扎根于與地球更緊密的系中?!驹摹縏hisspecialissuetakesutheroblemofhw,whereandthroghwhatmethodologicameansthetudyofintentonalreltins,andourselvesasscholars,maybebroughtintocloserconnectiontoclimatechaneandcontributetothesocialadpoliticalchangecritaltosponingtogloatonItintrodutionbegnomwhreIecamearofthabsencofclmatechangnhwIstudiedndnalysedtheItervrmentalaelme(IPCC).IcmbackanduerstandthisabseethoughjthtIaknbyaronndtrtrsoadtherwold.ThisrvideastrtingpoittoexplorewherthearticlesnomnaieskesashyhartherownjournysthroughthediscipieofIRinthestudyofclimatechange.Eacharticlearticulatesparticulardimensosofhhllegetattheecialissuegrplswithasitsetsouoexaminehow,whereandthroughwhatmeansthestudyntentoalrelationsmabere-rotedinclorelationoheEarth..適合其目的氣候變化、安與際(Fiorpurpose?Climtechge,securityndIR)MattMcDoald,大利亞昆蘭大學(xué)國系政治與國際研究授【要】正本期特的文章所表明,國際關(guān)系(IR)與境問題之間的關(guān)系一直存在問題。實(shí)上很難免樣結(jié):IR幾乎將環(huán)變化為球政治主要關(guān)注的干擾因素,為我們解效應(yīng)這些挑戰(zhàn)提供的資源極其有限越作為全系難需要到??膳c,治外工樣且供依tiiomoasfewieadtheechalengesgeively.isperhapmstsarlyevideniedfecuritystdinngecgnitionnvioetachngewrrconiderationsaThisapminehisenmentwitharcularfocusonclimatechange.Ultimately,tepaperadvantoarguments.FrstxinationsoftehaneurirlaonshiplocatedntraditiastdstocometotrmswiththAnthropcnecangeandorespecificallyitthuestonofeesscrng;tthenatureof
140tthretposedis;andwhoiscapableoforresponsibleforaddressingthisthreat.Scond,however,wecanseeprogressivepotetialinengageentwiththeecurityimplicationsofclimtechangeinIhresuchscolarhippartswayswithtraditionalaccountsofsecurity;doesnotallowexistingcofigurationsofpowertodefinetheconditionsforthinkgabencasfolits;allaself-concolydrawsonisghtsfrombyndteIRdiciplie.Theincreaingvolueofworknsitentiththismreriiarndsforhofrthisngducvlyeenwithachalengecomlandifinaslimh3.亡中歸:際(roedead:hecologofI)PeterNewell英國薩塞克斯大國際系教授【摘要】如果國際關(guān)系想要尋求解釋并改變正處深化“多危的界,而社會(huì)科學(xué)中持其相關(guān)性,與其在死中交易需要識到自己在生命網(wǎng)絡(luò)中的位置并占據(jù)一席之地篇文章中,作者先證了選擇生命”的必要性,通過去中心化國際關(guān)系學(xué)科的三個(gè)關(guān)鍵(相互關(guān)聯(lián)的)支柱:將黷武主義常態(tài)化為外交政策的手段和目的;經(jīng)濟(jì)增長作為業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)的目的和手段;人類心義及其世事中明的人類至上主義意形。其次,者提出了一系列和方法論上的創(chuàng)新,通過這些新,國際關(guān)系學(xué)科可能會(huì)采納更生態(tài)化的觀點(diǎn),并提出了將這種觀點(diǎn)嵌入國際關(guān)系行為中的具體政治策略。者認(rèn)為,些措構(gòu)兩方面的基方是世界政治中關(guān)鍵威脅如戰(zhàn)、貧生態(tài)危機(jī)根源改善性解釋另一方面,能供的解決路,其重在通一種超越人類范的國際關(guān)系闡,以及對政治及其內(nèi)部最的關(guān)系進(jìn)行更全球和多元普遍解讀,超越該科的主導(dǎo)特征。原RatherthanelingieathifIRitoretainrelevaneamngtescialsiencesinsekingtbthacountforancaneawritidstoaeeenngpoycrssittocgnseataktplceieoflInhirt,fstyertetchoslife’etrntheekentrrlapirstdili:erisanilasmnsnoffopoic;onrohastheensanenodutralosanntroptinitstaidlogyfumasprmcynolsSend,roposaeresofnealtonoatonsyhicaoecolgicaliwIttakeholdthen,asllascttegemdgithonduIRIugtattesosorhassofboairacotofthderlyingsourcesofkeyetnpcchaspovetyaeolcalcrisesananaernatisorceflutinsfocusedonrnscndiinnfeatureofthedinethramorethanhumancntndaorgloalnlurivrslofwootisadtelionwhichattmostwthit.國際關(guān)系、氣成效的與機(jī)遇I,cimai,n:opportuniteorpocgaemen)Seves拿大倫大學(xué)政治學(xué)系教授
25年第1期(總19期)141【摘要】“變革”或“轉(zhuǎn)型”一直是國際關(guān)系(IR)以及全球氣候變化政治學(xué)術(shù)研究領(lǐng)域長期關(guān)注的重點(diǎn)。然而,這兩個(gè)領(lǐng)域在很大程度上占據(jù)著相互獨(dú)立的價(jià)值論、認(rèn)識論、規(guī)范性和本論空間,這導(dǎo)致了誤解、互批評,以及在這些問題上缺乏真深入的交流互動(dòng)。其結(jié)果是錯(cuò)失了革國際關(guān)系的機(jī)遇,對氣化的政治動(dòng)態(tài)做出了錯(cuò)誤診,而反常的是,政治析對更廣泛的氣候變化學(xué)術(shù)研究影響力有限。本文梳理了與這兩個(gè)領(lǐng)域均相關(guān)的有關(guān)變革和轉(zhuǎn)型的理解,提出了一種更具建設(shè)性的認(rèn)識和本體論轉(zhuǎn)向,以在不確定性面前分析和規(guī)范性地應(yīng)對變革。隨后,本文介紹了一些實(shí)用的研究策略,用于開展與政策相關(guān)且具瞻性的學(xué)究這些略從解釋變革向識別能夠強(qiáng)化轉(zhuǎn)型因動(dòng)過最后通過對兩項(xiàng)革潛力的宏觀政策變的軌可能性結(jié),這項(xiàng)政策變化別是《巴黎協(xié)定》的.5攝氏度雄心目標(biāo)以及全球圍內(nèi)“凈零”政策的擴(kuò)散?!驹摹俊瓹hage’o‘transformanarelontaocuptinsofbR)andgloalclmatchaepoliticsschlasp.theedlarelyocyeeaxio,epimologl,nrate,aontologicalspacesththavedtomisunderstandings,mutualcritcisms,nlakofseriousnagementonthesequestionheresultsissedppotuiisotransformIR,misdiagnosesofpoliticaldynamicsofclimatechange,and,perversely,heimienleceopoliticaanalysisonwiderlimatchaneschlarship.ThisarticleidentifiesunderstandingsofchangeandtrnfrinrelvanttobhieldandintoducesaproductieepistemoogicalandntogicalsfforalyzingandnormativelyenaggihhangeinthfaoncertaintyItthenitroducesracticlrsearchsrategiesforpolicy-reevantndfrward-lookinghorhitmvesfomxpainincgetoietingcasaogisdnamossesthatereorundemichngeaanotio.Itoncewhustravanazsftrajtrisandpossbllimisofcrpychngeswtratvepnale1.5desisarataltagentheParsAgeemnt,anthprolertinof‘tzeoolaoundthw5自然權(quán)利國法庭是宙嗎(UPrtisadComptihn)AmQuereazu倫比安基亞法律科院副【摘要將、和山體權(quán)利體做正在世范內(nèi)種趨勢。法律和環(huán)活、原住民體以及權(quán)利RoN)動(dòng)等旗民間社們挑類與然。然權(quán)利際(IT通基這布,發(fā)揮著但是它是否具有元宇性,即允世界存的點(diǎn)是,們可以為宙開空間即世界系地互聯(lián)系。這不是有復(fù)雜的因?yàn)樽C會(huì)和訴訟程為屬于收為代/(權(quán)觀然,僅說這些庭式的,這種說會(huì)過于簡化。圖過性本體論治學(xué)來決個(gè)題以別揭示多元差別。為,本文聚焦參與參與方式、他們所扮演他們帶來的觀念世文過分析替性觀,可以過關(guān)性方法重新構(gòu)和重塑際關(guān)系)。
12【原文】Theecognitionofnaturalentitieslikerivers,forests,andmountainsassubjectsofrightsisbecminganimportnttrendthroughoutthworld.Itisareultofeffortsylegalandnviomentalactivists,Indigenousgroups,andcivilsocietyorganizationsuniteduder–amongothers–theRightsofNatureRoN)movementthatcontesttheinayseparaionbetweenhumnandnatnTribnasfRigsau(ITR)ayauniquerolbyissuingjudgmentsbasdonthisrspective.Butareheplsinhsensetallotcienoifs?hereisthtecnopenspasfrtheiverse,ffferetwrdonlyercocehisesnothpnwtotomlicans,forhearigsandproceeingscaalobenterpretedasprtainingtooooptedsmodern/Westerlbral)understandingsofihse,ayinghatunalsrhybridwoldbereductionist.Thispaperseekstoaddressthisdrawingfrompluriversalrelainlt,poiicalontology,andcosmopolitidetifytherelatonalnuancesthatrevealthepluriverse.Forthisitfcusesnthwaysparicpnsnaenhehearing,throlestheplay,andthewrtheybringwiththem.ThpacodutsaanalysisprposingalernativeiwpointshatanrframeandregroundIthroughrelatnalapproaches.6.原民候融國關(guān)的界:態(tài)的候義(IndgenusclimtefnaceanteworldingofIntrnanalRlatinslimtejusticeinotioVroiorrGoale,巴格德經(jīng)際關(guān)系系副教授;ThaiLemosibeiro巴西利亞國際關(guān)研究所博人;isinumokiIoue,巴西德大學(xué)副教,西利亞大高級究anLin西德堡大學(xué)士究【摘要】這項(xiàng)通個(gè)由住民區(qū)自管理住候Shnd、自然與候聯(lián)”和“Poáal金”,探討了原住民何重塑際關(guān)系(IR)并挑其既有界通過考察這些基第屆聯(lián)合國氣化大會(huì)(CP-6)上與及談研展了原住民通特體論和認(rèn)為造IR的重體結(jié)了這些在拓野面的,其是化解張促進(jìn)方面這些對將氣重義為續(xù)抵抗進(jìn)。最,通過將原住民的視角與踐于心地位新扎根國關(guān)架做從而例證了一世界化的實(shí)踐我們對態(tài)候】hsexlryreserchvestgeoIdignseoples(IreshpeionalRelionndclngestablihdboariesghaanasiftwondigeousimateFunds:the“ShandiaAlieople,NauenClimaeandboautonomouslmanagedyidigeouscounitiesBxamiitheirenggentsaPouctingttrsgiinogandepistmhnthelbroadeningnecvsrgardsthatredefieocesUmhaeteirriusperspectivesepeenrichesounetdgfuieion.
2025年第1期總第19期)1437.從超越人類的世界中轉(zhuǎn)化認(rèn)識論脫節(jié):生態(tài)調(diào)諧的知識方式的(交)節(jié)點(diǎn)(Transformingepistemologicaldisconnectiofromthemore-tan-humanworld:(inter)odesofecoloicallyattunedwysofknowinErsébetStrausz,奧地利布達(dá)佩斯中歐大學(xué)國際關(guān)系系助理教授【摘要】本文通過藝術(shù)實(shí)踐和學(xué)科內(nèi)的批判性想象之間的共鳴,梳理出重新植于國際關(guān)系學(xué)(IR)的概念性、創(chuàng)造性和體驗(yàn)性資源,以應(yīng)對氣候問題及超越人世界的需求。作者沿著兩個(gè)主要的靈感來源追蹤其所描述的生態(tài)調(diào)諧認(rèn)知方式:L.M.Lng的《想象世界政治》和Shlls設(shè)計(jì)0人與式議的性寫并突出可樹木遇中產(chǎn)和發(fā)的認(rèn)知方式,了將與植生命的認(rèn)識論脫節(jié)轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榫呱砘?、整、提升命的關(guān)系模式的可能性,這種模式既面向我自身,也面向超越人類的世界。【文】Drawiousonanescrssprindcrithediscipline,thispapmapsoconcepulreatiandexerarsoucesrrtngIteataReaonorhecmadtheneedsthemore-than-hmaworld.ItracewhatIdescribescologicallyttuewasofknowingalonwaninspirations:L.H..ngImginingWrlditicsandhe7000HUMANSparticipatoryinitiativedesignedbyShelleySacks.Writingwithahizomaticensblitanoregroundingwaysofnowingtmayemreinanthroughencountrswithtrees,Iexploreimagiativepossibilitiefrtransfomingeitelocldisconnectionfromvegetlifeintoembodiintegrati,li-enhancingmodesofrelatigtobothouselvesandthemorethan-humaworld.8超越際系走國關(guān)?BeynnteratinalReltiosndowardtraionalRelaionlity?)RjearSRaina,希夫納大學(xué)與社會(huì)科學(xué)學(xué)院際關(guān)系治研究系系主ishabhKachroo,希夫納達(dá)爾大人與社會(huì)學(xué)學(xué)院國際系與治理研究系【摘文刊文進(jìn)行與評論,些文章提性的國際關(guān)系(alter-Is)路徑,將候變作為種能變革論與量或象引國際系及踐。作者根自己的些文進(jìn)了總結(jié),指可能是一個(gè)的嘗。描述新的體論和認(rèn)識是否足以以方候變化引入國際關(guān)系如果這學(xué)科到其固的本論的如限制,么為么要試這轉(zhuǎn)變?鑒們哲家的務(wù)是“改變世”,那么將實(shí)一標(biāo)的理論和實(shí)又是么呢?【原】aicepridsreviewdmearohearicsnthspcilisue,wchoflte-IRspproachstorngngliatchgeinointniolelatiotheapracticeasaforcorphnntatcansforoandpractiummatcles,asIthem,adsugethisaglfutiletskescponofnewotoloiesadpemoloiesuffitobingngnoIRneaninfuly?Ithdiscplineissocontranitseyrote
14ontologyandepistemology,whymaketheefforttoattemptthistransformation?Andgiventhatourtaskasphilosohersisto‘changethworld’whatarethetheoriendpracticshatwillmakethishappen?9.生成性衰敗:走向關(guān)乎地球且服務(wù)地球的政治(Generativedecay:towardapoliticsofandforearth)AudraMitchell,加拿大巴爾西利國際事學(xué)教【摘要】本文評估革國際關(guān)系(IR)和全球環(huán)境研究ES)的可能性,并對本期特刊中的關(guān)認(rèn),管判者活動(dòng)者以及其他士熱情地力變這些學(xué),它們在結(jié)構(gòu)和認(rèn)識論上然根植于與地球及其過程根本立的壓迫性邏輯,并與“CRAACHE+形態(tài)(系列相互交織的結(jié)構(gòu)性暴力式,含殖民主義、種主義、能歧視、類中主資本義父權(quán)制、優(yōu)學(xué)式)契合。章呼吁采的法而修和GES兩門學(xué),這種法,這些學(xué)科內(nèi)積累識和資源能被那致力于使其政治活運(yùn)過程合的社區(qū)運(yùn)動(dòng)重利用文ThisatclesetpoilitofrnsformigIntionalRelations(RnGloalEnvironmntalStudi(GES),reflectingontheotributionsohisspcialedition.Itarguesthatdespitassionatefrtsbycriticalscholars,activists,practitioners,andotherstotransformthesedisciplines,heyremantrutrllyndepistemicalyrotedipressivelogicstatarefundamentalyatoddswiththeplanetanditsprcse,algnehthe‘CAACHE+ormtio’(asetofinterockingmodesotrutulviolenecompromisingclnilism,racism,bleism,antoentrism,apitalismheteropatrarchy,eugen,adhilloysIsteadofwrkingtoecupertIRandGESteaticleclsfraeoloicalappractkowldgedcioniwihthekdgeadresosaccumultedwitinthesedisciplnessmadeavalforrepupoinbcomunitiesandmoveentsorkigtoaigerlitiwiartrocses.【編譯:常婧賴禎】【責(zé)任編輯張奕?!縄ntenionalRels,Vol.38,No4,Dec204群島和際序治國統(tǒng)(TChagoIlansandineratnlorder:humanrihtsrleolaw,andreignul)MainWez,慕尼黑邦防軍大學(xué)社會(huì)公共事系政化比較研究教授【摘】文運(yùn)用英國管被國作為基被里求宣作為案例研來探爭性際序,動(dòng)國際秩序的步。筆者將國際秩序視地域限的規(guī)則集,重點(diǎn)分析功能上與人權(quán)治和對外統(tǒng)治的上,些更具一地